THE
HISTORY OF CUBA

BY
WILLIS FLETCHER JOHNSON
A.M., L.H.D.
Author of "A Century of Expansion," "Four Centuries of
the Panama Canal," "America's Foreign Relations"
Honorary Professor of the History of American Foreign
Relations in New York University


WITH ILLUSTRATIONS


VOLUME FOUR

NEW YORK
B. F. BUCK & COMPANY, INC.
156 FIFTH AVENUE
1920

Copyright, 1920,
BY CENTURY HISTORY CO.
All rights reserved

ENTERED AT STATIONERS HALL
LONDON, ENGLAND.

PRINTED IN U. S. A.

{iii}

CONTENTS

    PAGE CHAPTER I—   —1   Cuba for the Cubans—Era of the War of Independence—Organization of the Cuban Revolutionary Party—Vigilance of the Spanish Government—The Sartorius Uprising—The Abarzuza "Home Rule" Measure—Beginning of the War of Independence—José Marti, His Genius and His Work—Members of the Junta in New York—Independence the Aim—Marti's Departure for Cuba—Association with Maximo Gomez—Death of Marti—His Legacy of Ideals to Cuba.   CHAPTER II—   —19   Aims and Methods of the Junta—Efforts to Avoid American Complications—Filibustering Expeditions—Contraband Messenger Service—Attitude of the Various Classes of the Cuban People Toward the Revolution—No Racial nor Partisan Differences—The Spanish Element—The Mass of the Cuban People United for National Independence.   CHAPTER III—   —29   The First Uprising—Failure in Havana—Success in Oriente—Response of the Spanish Authorities—Superior Numbers of the Spanish Forces—Early Complications with the United States-Seeking Terms with the Patriots—Grim Reception of an Envoy—Ministerial Crisis at Madrid over Cuban Affairs—Martinez Campos, "Spain's Greatest Soldier," Sent to Cuba—His Conciliatory Policy—His Military Preparations—Antonio Maceo—Uprisings in Many Places—Provisional Government of the Patriots—Campos's Barricades—Campos Beaten by Maceo.   CHAPTER IV—   —47   Declaration of Cuban Independence—First Constitutional Convention—The First Government of Ministers—Founders of the Cuban Government—Desperate Efforts of Campos—Disadvantages of the Cubans—Plantation Work Forbidden—Campaigns by Maceo and Gomez—Losses of the Spaniards at Sea—Reenforcements from Spain Welcomed—Cuban Headquarters at Las Tunas—Invasion of Matanzas—Defeat and Narrow Escape of Campos—Action of the Autonomists—Loyalty Pledged to Campos—State of Siege in Havana—Campos Recalled to Spain.   CHAPTER V—   —65{iv}   General Marin—General Weyler the New Captain-General—His Arrival and Remorseless Policy—Cuban Elections a Farce—The Trocha—A War of Ruthless Destruction—Many Filibustering Expeditions—Interest of the United States Government—Diplomatic Controversies—Efficiency of the Provisional Government—Strengthening the Trocha—Activity of Maceo—His Betrayal and Death—Campaigns of Gomez and Others—Calixto Garcia—The Great Advance Westward—President Cleveland's Significant Message to the United States Congress.   CHAPTER VI—   —82   Bad Effects of Maceo's Death—Weyler in the Field Against Gomez—Daring and Death of Bandera—Dissensions in the Camp of Gomez—Weyler's Concentration Policy—A Practical Attempt at Extermination—Senator Proctor's Observations—President McKinley's Message—Crisis in Spain—Weyler Recalled and Succeeded by Ramon Blanco—Further Attempts at Reform and Conciliation—Condition of Cuba—The Revolutionists Uncompromising—The Ruiz-Aranguren Tragedy—Organization of the Autonomist Government—Attitude of the Spaniards—Visit of the Maine to Havana—Destruction of the Vessel—The Investigations—Futile Efforts of the Autonomist Government   CHAPTER VII—   —103   The Destruction of the Maine not the Cause of American Intervention—Causes Which Led to the War—Diplomatic Negotiations—German Intrigue—President McKinley's War Message—His Attitude Toward the Cuban People—Spanish Resentment—Declaration of War—American Agents Sent to Cuba—Attitude of Maximo Gomez—Supplies, not Troops, Wanted—Blockade of the Cuban Coast—Spanish Fleet at Santiago—Landing of the American Army—Operations at

Santiago—Services of the "Rough Riders"—Naval Battle of Santiago—Surrender of the Spanish Army—The Armistice.   CHAPTER VIII—   —118   Departure of the Spanish Forces from Cuba—Treaty of Peace Between the United States and Spain—Cuba to be Made Independent—The Cuban Debt—First American Government of Intervention—The Roll of Spanish Rulers from Velasquez in 1512 to Castellanos in 1899—Relations between Americans and Cubans—Disbandment of the Provisional Government and Demobilization of the Cuban Army—A Mutinous Demonstration—Paying Off the Cuban Soldiers.   CHAPTER IX—   —139{v}   American Occupation of Cuba—General Wood's Administration at Santiago—His Antecedents and Preparation for His Great Work—A Formidable Undertaking—Conquering Pestilence—Organization of the Rural Guards—American Administration at Havana and Throughout the Island—Grave Problems Confronting General Brooke—Agricultural and Industrial Rehabilitation—Reorganizing Local Government—Triumphal Progress of Maximo Gomez—Unification of Sentiment Among the People—Finances of the Island—Church and State—Marriage Reform—Franchises Refused—The Census—Improving the School System.   CHAPTER X—   —158   General Brooke Succeeded by General Leonard Wood—Favorable Reception of the Soldier-Statesman—A Cabinet of Cubans—Efficient Attention Paid to Public Education—Cuban Teachers at Harvard—Caring for Derelict Children—Public Works—Sanitation—Port Improvements—Roads—Paving—The Heroic Drama of the Conquest of Yellow Fever—Work of General Gorgas—A Home of Pestilence Transformed into a Sanitarium—Reforms in Court Procedure—Cleaning Up the Prisons—The First Election in Free Cuba—Rise of Political Parties—Taxation and the Tariff—Increase of Commerce.   CHAPTER XI—   —185   Preparations for Self-Government—Call for a Constitutional Convention—The Election—Meeting of the Convention—General Wood's Address—Organization of the Convention—Framing the Constitution—Debates over Church and State, and Presidential Qualifications—Signing of the Constitution—No Americans Present at the Convention—General Provisions of the Constitution—Relations between Cuba and the United States—Controversy between the Two Governments—Origin of the "Platt Amendment"—Attitude of the Cubans Toward It—Malign Agitation and Misrepresentation—A Mission to Washington—Final Adoption of the Amendment.   CHAPTER XII—   —204   Text of the Constitution of the Cuban Republic—The Nation, Its Form of Government, and the National Territory—Cubans and Foreigners—Bill of Rights—Sovereignty and Public Powers—The Legislature—The President—The Vice-President—The Secretaries of State—The Judicial Power—Provincial and Municipal Governments—Amendments.   CHAPTER XIII—   —240{vi}   Election of the First Cuban Government—Candidates for the Presidency—Tomas Estrada Palma Chosen by Common Consent—General Maso's Candidacy—The Election—Close of the American Occupation—A Festal Week in Havana—Transfer of Authority to the Cuban Government—The Cuban Flag at Last Raised in Sovereignty of the Island—President Roosevelt's Estimate of General Wood's Work in Cuba—President Palma's Cabinet—His First Message—The United States Naval Station—Reciprocity Secured after Discreditable Delay at Washington.   CHAPTER XIV—   —259   Admirable Work of the Palma Administration—Rise of Sordid Factionalism—José Miguel Gomez, Alfredo Zayas and Orestes Ferrara—Character of the Liberal Party, and of the Conservative Party—Conspiracy to Discredit an Election—An Abortive Insurrection—Pino Guerra's Intrigues—The Rebellion of José Miguel Gomez—President Palma's Unpreparedness and Incredulity—His Faith in the People—The Crisis—Suggestions of the American Consul-General—American Intervention sought—Ships and Troops Sent—Arrival of Mr. Taft—His Negotiations with the Rebels—His Yielding to Their Threats—Resignation of Estrada Palma—Mr. Taft's Pardon to the Rebels—Charles E. Magoon Made Provisional Governor—Estimate of President Palma and His Administration.   CHAPTER XV—   —283   Mr. Magoon's Administration—Recognition of the Liberals—The Offices Filled with Liberal Placeholders—Execution of Many Public Works—A New Census Taken—New Electoral Law—Proportional Representation—New Elections Held—Split in the Liberal Party—The Presidential Campaign—Bargain between José Miguel Gomez and Alfredo

Zayas—General Menocal and Dr. Montoro—The Victory of the Liberals—Changes in Provincial and Municipal Administrations—Revision of Laws—Settling Church Claims—End of the Second Intervention.   CHAPTER XVI—   —297   Administration of President José Miguel Gomez—His Cabinet Sketch of His Career—Sketch of Vice-President Zayas—Army Reorganization—New Laws—The President's Sensitiveness to Criticism—Officials in Politics—Charges of Profligacy and Corruption—Clash with the Veterans' Association—The United States Interested—Quarrels between Gomez and Zayas—Formidable Negro Revolt Suppressed—Reluctance to Settle Claims—Outrage Upon an American Diplomat—Amnesty Bill—The Lottery Established—The "Dragado" Scandal—The Railroad Terminal.   CHAPTER XVII—   —312{vii}   The Fourth Presidential Campaign—Candidacy and Career of Mario G. Menocal—His Brilliant Work in the War of Independence and in the Sugar Industry—Sketch of Enrique José Varona—Dr. Rafael Montoro's Distinguished Career—His Diplomatic Services and Literary Achievements—President Menocal's Cabinet—His Aims and Plans for His Administration—First Message to Congress—Factional Obstruction—Paying Off Old Debts—Trying to Abolish Gambling—The Civil Service—Controversy Over the Asbert Amnesty Bill—A Small Insurrection.   CHAPTER XVIII—   —328   Reelection of President Menocal—Features of the Campaign—Liberal Conspiracy to Invalidate the Election by Revolutionary Means—Disputed Elections—The Double Treason of José Miguel Gomez—Outbreak of a Carefully Planned Insurrection—Intrigues of Orestes Ferrara in the United States—Vigorous Military Action of President Menocal—American Assistance Wisely Declined—Capture of the Rebel Chieftain—Efforts of the Insurgents at Devastation—Continuance of the Rebellion by Carlos Mendieta—Dr. Ferrara Warned by the American Government—Attempts to Assassinate President Menocal—Clemency Shown to Criminals—Attitude of the United States Government—Some Plain Talk from Washington.   CHAPTER XIX—   —346   Cuba's Entry into the War of the Nations—President Menocal's War Message—Prompt Response of Congress—Sentiments of the Cuban People—German Propaganda—Attitude of the Church—Liberal Intrigues with Germans—Seizure of German Ships—Conservation and Increased Production of Food—Military Services—Generous Subscriptions to Liberty Loans—Mrs. Menocal's Leadership in Red Cross Work—Noble Activities of the Women of Cuba—Moral and Spiritual Effect of Cuba's Participation in the War.   CHAPTER XX—   —355   Marti's Epigram on the Revolution—How It has been Fulfilled by the Cuban Republic—The Sense of Responsibility—Progress in Popular Education as a Criterion—Great Gain in Health—Enormous Growth of the Sugar Industry—Commerce of the Island—Stable Finances—Sanitary Efficiency—Military Reorganization—Statesmanship of President Menocal—Cuba's Unique Situation Among the Countries of the Globe—Significance of the Record Which She has Made from Velasquez to Menocal.   INDEX —367

{viii}

{ix}

ILLUSTRATIONS

  FULL PAGE PLATES   José Marti Frontispiece FACING
PAGE The Prado 16 Maximo Gomez 44 José Antonio Maceo 74 Bay and Harbor of Havana 98 Old and New in Havana 134 Leonard Wood 158 University of Havana 164 Carlos J. Finlay 172 The Capitol

href="@public@vhost@g@gutenberg@html@files@33848@[email protected]#page_204" class="pginternal" tag="{http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml}a">204 Tomas Estrada Palma 248 The President's Home 268 The Academy of Arts and Crafts 288 Mario G. Menocal 312 Enrique José Varona 316 Rafael Montoro 320 Senora Menocal 352 Boneato Road, Oriente 358   TEXT EMBELLISHMENTS   Ricardo del Monte 2 Julian del Casal 6 José Ramon Villalon 13 George Reno 21 La Punta Fortress, Havana 33 Aniceto G. Menocal 50 General Weyler 66 William McKinley 87 Antonio Govin 95{x} Admiral Cervera 110 Admiral Schley 110 Old Fort at El Caney 112 Theodore Roosevelt 113 Monuments on San Juan Hill 114 Admiral Sampson 115 Peace Tree near Santiago 116 Part of Old City Wall of Havana 122 Gonzalez Lanuza 146 Evelio Rodriguez Lendian 162 Antonio Sanchez de Bustamente 165 Almendares River, Havana 167 Old Time Water Mill, Havana Province 169 Street in Vedado, Suburb of Havana 176 Aurelia Castillo de Gonzalez 192 Scene in Villalon Park, Havana 247 Flag of Cuba 250 Coat of Arms of Cuba 251 William H. Taft 276

José Miguel Gomez 298 Dr. Alfredo Zayas 300 Birthplace of Mario G. Menocal 313 Dr. Juan Guiteras 321 General D. Emilio Nuñez 328 José Luis Azcarata 341 Francisco Dominguez Roldan 357 José A. del Cueto 359 Dr. Fernandez Mendez-Capote 360 General José Marti 360 Eugenio Sanchez Agramonte 362 Academy of Sciences, Havana 364

{Page 1}

THE HISTORY OF CUBA

CHAPTER I

Cuba for Cuba must be the grateful theme of the present volume. We have seen the identification of the Queen of the Antilles with the Spanish discovery and conquest of America. We have traced the development of widespread international interests in that island, especially implicating the vital attention of at least four great powers. We have reviewed the origin and development of a peculiar relationship, frequently troubled but ultimately beneficent to both, between Cuba and the United States of America. Now, in the briefest of the four major epochs into which Cuban history is naturally divided, we shall have the welcome record of the achievement of Cuba's secure establishment among the sovereign nations of the world.

The time for the War of Independence was well chosen. That conflict was, indeed, a necessary and inevitable sequel to the Ten Years' War and its appendix, the Little War; under the same flag, with the same principles and issues, and with some of the same leaders. Indeed we may rightly claim that the organization of the Cuban Republic remained continuous and unbroken, if not in Cuba itself, at least in the United States, where, in New York, the Cuban Junta was ever active and resolute. The Treaty of Zanjon ended field operations for the time. It did not for one moment or in the least degree quench or diminish the impassioned and resolute determination of the Cuban people to become a nation.{2}

We have said that the War of Independence was inevitable. That was manifestly so because of the determination of the Cubans to become independent. It was also because of the failure of the Spanish government to fulfil the terms and stipulations of the Treaty of Zanjon, concerning which we have hitherto spoken. It must remain a matter of speculation whether that government ever intended to fulfil them. It is certain that few thoughtful Cubans, capable of judging the probabilities of the future by the actualities of the past, expected that it would do so. We may also regard it as certain that even a scrupulous fulfilment of those terms, while it might have postponed it, would not and could not permanently have defeated the assertion of Cuban independence.

RICARDO DEL MONTE

Journalist, critic, poet and patriot, Ricardo del Monte was born at Cimorrones in 1830, and was educated in the United States and Europe. In Rome he was attached to the Spanish embassy. In Spain he was a journalist with liberal and democratic tendencies. He returned to Cuba in 1847 and edited several papers in Havana, including, after the Ten Years War, El Triunfo and El Pais, the organ of the Autonomists. He was a writer in prose and verse of singular power and grace, his works ranking in style with the best of modern Spanish literature. He died in 1908.

The Cuban Revolutionary Party, which as we have said never went out of existence, was reorganized for renewed activity in New York in April, 1892; from which time we may properly date the beginning of the War of Independence. Its leader was Jose Marti, of whom we shall have much more to say hereafter; but he did not accept the official headship of the Junta.{3} That place was taken by Tomas Estrada Palma, the honored veteran of the Ten Years' War, who at this time was the principal of an excellent boys' school at Central Valley, New York. He was the President of the Junta. The Secretary was Gonzalo de Quesada, worthy bearer of an honored name; a fervent patriot and an eloquent orator. The Treasurer was Benjamin Guerra, an approved patriot, and the General Counsel was Horatio Rubens. This New York Junta, meeting at No. 56 New Street, New York City, was the real head of the whole movement. But it was supplemented by many other Cuban clubs elsewhere. There were ten in New York, 61 at Key West, Florida; 15 at Tampa, two at Ocala, two in Philadelphia, and one each at New Orleans, Jacksonville, Brooklyn, Boston, Chicago, Atlanta, and St. Augustine. There were also six in the island of Jamaica, two in Mexico, and one in Hayti.

The multiplication of these organizations and their increasing activity did not escape the observation of the Spanish government, which realized that revolution was in the air, and that it behooved it to do something to counteract it if it was to avoid losing the last remains of its once vast American empire. Accordingly early in 1893 the Cortes at Madrid

enacted a bill extending the electoral franchise in Cuba to all men paying each as much as five pesos tax yearly. The Autonomist party at first regarded this concession with doubt and suspicion, but finally decided to give it a trial and participated in the elections held under the new law. But the result was unsatisfactory; owing, it was openly charged, to gross intimidation and frauds by the Government. The sequel was increased activity of the revolutionary organizations.

The Spanish government was vigilant and strenuous.{4} It sent more troops to Cuba, and it sent a large part of its navy to American waters, to patrol the Cuban coast, to cruise off the Florida coast, and to guard the waters between the two, in order to prevent the sending of filibustering expeditions or cargoes of supplies from the United States to Cuba. These efforts were so efficient that no important expeditions got through. But in spite of that fact an insurrection was started in Cuba in the spring of 1893.

The leaders were two brothers, Manuel and Ricardo Sartorius, of Santiago de Cuba. On April 24 they put themselves at the head of a band of twenty men and, at Puernio, near Holguin, they proclaimed a revolution. The next day they were joined by eighteen more, and by the time they had marched to Milas, on the north coast, the band was increased to 300, while other bands, in sympathy with them, were formed at Holguin, Manzanillo, Guantanamo, and Las Tunas. This movement, however, was purely a private enterprise of the Sartorius Brothers; in which they presumably expected to be supported by a general uprising of the Cuban people. As a matter of fact there was no such uprising. The people seemed indifferent to it. The juntas and clubs in New York and elsewhere knew nothing about it. The Executive Committee of the Autonomist Party in Cuba adopted resolutions condemning it and giving moral support to the Spanish government, and the Cuban Senators and Deputies in the Cortes at Madrid took like action.

Meantime the Spanish authorities in the island acted promptly and with vigor. The Captain-General summoned a council of war on April 27, and sent troops to the scene of revolt, and directed the fleet to exercise renewed vigilance to prevent aid from reaching the insurgents from the United States. The next day martial{5} law was proclaimed throughout the province of Santiago de Cuba, and four thousand troops, divided into seven columns, were in hot pursuit of the revolutionists. The numbers of the latter rapidly dwindled through desertions and in a couple of days all had vanished save the two brothers and 29 of their followers. On May 2 these all surrendered, on promise of complete pardon, a promise which was fulfilled, and on May 9 martial law was withdrawn and the abortive revolt was ended.

This occurrence moved the Spanish government, however, to further efforts to placate the Cubans, and in 1894 the Minister for the Colonies, Senor Maura, proposed a bill for the reorganization of the insular government. The six provincial councils were to be merged into a single legislature. With this was to be combined an Executive Council, or Board of Administration, to administer the laws; consisting of the Governor-General as President, various high civil and military functionaries, and nine additional members named by Royal decree. This arrangement was strongly opposed and finally defeated, whereupon Senor Maura resigned. Later in the same year the Cabinet was reorganized with him as Minister of Justice and with Senor Abarzuza, a follower of Emilio Castelar, the Spanish Republican leader, as Minister for the Colonies. The Prime Minister was Praxedes Sagasta, the leader of the Spanish Liberals, and a statesman of consummate ability. There was much complaint by Conservatives that the Captain-General in Cuba, Emilio Calleja, favored the native Autonomists over the Loyalists or Spanish party. Despite this, Senor Abarzuza, after taking much counsel with the Prime Minister and others, planned radical action in behalf of Cuban autonomy, hoping to establish a new regime which, he fondly hoped, would allay discontent, abate{6} disaffection, and confirm Cuba in her traditional status of the "Ever Faithful Isle." Accordingly he entered into long and earnest consultation with the leaders of the various political parties in Spain, including the Carlists and Radical Republicans, and also with representative Loyalists and Home Rulers—otherwise Spaniards and Autonomists—of Cuba. Never, indeed, was a more thorough attempt made to secure the judgment of all parties and thus to frame a measure that would be satisfactory to all. Moreover, an exceptionally reasonable and conciliatory spirit was shown by all the leading politicians, of all shades of opinion, so that it seemed for a time that the resulting bill, framed by Senors Sagasta and Abarzuza, would be accepted with scarcely a word of criticism and would mark the opening of a new era in colonial affairs.