The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century,

Volume XVIII, 1617–1620

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne.

Contents of Volume XVIII

• Preface 9
• Documents of 1617–1618
  • Letter to Felipe III. Andrés de Alcaraz; Manila, August 10, 1617. 31
  • Trade between Nueva España and the Far East. [Unsigned and undated; ca. 1617]. 57
  • Events in the Filipinas Islands, 1617–18. [Unsigned; Manila], June, 1618. 65
  • Description of the Philippinas Islands. [Unsigned]; Manila, 1618. 93
  • Dutch factories and posts in the Orient. [Pedro de Heredia]; [1618?]. 107
  • Memorial regarding Manila hospital. [Unsigned]; Manila, 1618. 112
  • Letter to Felipe III. Alonso Fajardo de Tenza; Cavite, August 10, 1618. 116
  • Letters to Fajardo. Felipe III; Madrid, December 19, 1618. 150
  • Filipinas menaced by Dutch. Joan de Ribera, S.J.; Manila, December 20, 1618. 161
• Documents of 1619–1620
  • Philippine ships and shipbuilding. Sebastian de Pineda; [Mexico? 1619]. 169
  • Royal decree regarding religious expelled from their orders. Felipe III; Madrid, February 19, 1619. 189
  • Proposal to destroy Macao. Diego Aduarte, O.P.; [Madrid? 1619]. 194
  • Relation of events in the Filipinas Islands, 1618–19. [Unsigned]; Manila, July 12, 1619. 204
  • Letter to Felipe III. Pedro de Arce; Manila, July 30, 1619. 235
  • Letter to Felipe III. Alonso Fajardo de Tenza; Manila, August 10, 1619. 247
  • Grant to seminary of Santa Potenciana. Juan Oñez, and others; Manila, 1617–19. 282
  • Reforms needed in Filipinas (to be concluded). Hernando de los Rios Coronel; [Madrid?], 1619–20. 289
• Bibliographical Data. 345

Illustrations

• Plan of the city of Goa and its environs; photographic facsimile of engraving in Bellin’s Petit atlas maritime ([Paris], 1764), no. 29, from copy in library of Wisconsin Historical Society. 199
• View of the city of Manila; photographic facsimile of engraving in Spilbergen and Le Maire’s Speculum orientalis occidentalisque Indiæ navigationum (French edition, 1621), no. 18, facing p. 86, from copy in Library of Congress. 225
• Autograph signature of Fernando de Los Rios; photographic facsimile from original MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. 343

Preface

The scope of the present volume extends from 1617 to 1620. The islands are still ravaged at intervals by the Moro pirates from the southern part of the archipelago. Even worse are the losses to the commerce of the islands inflicted by the Dutch; their ships infest the seas about Luzón, and those of the Moluccas, in which region they are steadily and even rapidly gaining foothold, and securing the best commerce of those lands. Corruption in the management of the Spanish interests in the Spice Islands renders them an expensive and embarrassing possession; and the new governor, Fajardo, finds the same influence at work in the Spanish colony itself, especially among the auditors and other high officials. The colonial treasury is, as usual, short of funds, and can do little to defend the islands from the Dutch; the

Madrid government is unwilling to spend much more on the Philippines, although beset with importunities to save that colony, and Spanish commerce generally, from the insolent Dutch. The usual building of ships in the islands has so harrassed and exhausted the unfortunate natives that it is necessary to have ships built for the Philippines in India and other countries where timber and labor are more abundant. The trade of the colony with China is the object of much discussion, and proposals are again made to restrict it, as well as that with Nueva España, in order to protect the commercial interests of the mother-country. In the final document is a detailed statement, in vigorous language, of the abuses current in the administration of the islands—arbitrary and oppressive conduct of the auditors, corruption among officials, extravagant expenditure of public funds, lax enforcement of laws, burdensome exactions imposed upon the Indians, and Chinese, etc.; for these the citizens demand redress, prevention, and relief.

Andrés de Alcaraz, the auditor in charge of military affairs after Silva’s death, writes to the king (August 10, 1617). The ships could not go to Nueva España in 1616, because the Dutch were lying in wait for them; but the Acapulco galleon arrives safely at Manila, and brings money to relieve the general distress. Alcaraz makes ready, although in the midst of great difficulties, a fleet to drive away the Dutch. On April 14, 1617, this Spanish fleet has a battle with the Dutch squadron at Playa Honda. After a long and fierce contest, the enemy take to flight, having lost several ships and much artillery, and many of their men being killed or wounded. As soon as possible thereafter, Alcaraz sends supplies to the Spanish forts in Ternate; recalls Geronimo de Silva to Manila, to act as governor ad interim; and despatches pilots to meet the fleet that is coming from Spain via Cape of Good Hope. He criticizes Geronimo de Silva for his harshness and arrogance, already displayed in many ways. Alcaraz thanks the king for permitting him to resign his position as auditor and return to Spain; and explains why he has not yet vacated his office. He mentions the Philippine officials who have merited special rewards from the crown, especially those who were prominent in the battle of Playa Honda. Reënforcements of men have come from Spain, but with them was no money; and the treasury of the islands is entirely empty. Its debts are heavy, and aid is urgently requested. Through sickness and absence, there are no auditors of the Audiencia in active service, except Alcaraz himself.

A document unsigned and undated [ca. 1617] discusses the trade of the Spanish colonies with China and Japan. This trade advances the interests of religion in those heathen lands. Its character, methods, and results are described in orderly array of interesting facts—first in a general survey, then in details regarding each colony; and finally in comparisons between the commerce of those colonies respectively with China and Japan. Eastern India depends on this trade for its maintenance and preservation; and the customs duties therefrom cause larger profits to the crown than do those from the other colonies. This income will be greatly increased, for both Castilla and Portugal, if Nueva España and Filipinas be no longer allowed to trade with China and Japan. The writer (apparently one of the king’s councilors) suggests various expedients for attaining this end, and closes by urging the king to confine the Filipinas merchants to trade with Nueva España.

The events of the year from June, 1617, to June, 1618, are chronicled by some unnamed writer (apparently one of the Jesuits in Manila). The battle of Playa Honda deals such a blow to the Dutch power in the archipelago that the natives in some of the Malucas Islands rebel against it. A small English post is destroyed by the Dutch; and their ships that flee from Playa Honda go to Japan. Their adventures in that country are detailed. Some Dutch ships come again to the coast of Luzón, and plunder the Chinese trading vessels as they appear; the Spaniards cannot prevent this, as their galleons are laid up for repairs. A shipload of supplies for the garrison and the missions at Ternate is sent from Manila; the master of the ship, taking advantage of the absence on shore of part of the passengers and men, steals away with the ship and its cargo. The Jesuits secure a new supply of food for their mission, by soliciting alms. The islands still suffer from the depredations of the Moro pirates. The writer describes the special festivities in honor of the Virgin Mary, and the martyrdom of some missionaries in Japan. He then proceeds to relate the particulars of the murder of the Augustinian provincial, Vicente Sepulveda, by some of his own friars, and the punishment of the criminals. A postscript to this letter states that the ships sent to Ternate with supplies had been attacked by the Dutch; and part of the crew were killed and wounded, and much of the food lost. Other supplies, however, have been sent to Ternate from India. The prince of Tidore has become hostile to the Dutch. One Sequeira makes an unsuccessful voyage, and dies in Cochin. The new governor of the Philippines arrives at Manila in July, 1618.

Of nearly the same date is a descriptive account of the Philippine Islands, their inhabitants, government, products, etc.—including a statement of the number of Indian tributes in each island, which amount in all to 160,000. The writer notes various matters relating to the interests and social condition of the Spanish colony, especially the need of vigorous measures to punish the Moro pirates, who continually harass the Pintados.

Pedro de Heredia, a Spanish official in the Moluccas, furnishes to the king (1618) a list of the Dutch factories and forts in the Orient; from this, and the value of the products annually exported thence, it is evident that the Dutch have gained an extensive footing and prestige in the Far East, together with rich profits, while the Spaniards have lost the best part of their former commerce there. The king is urged to consider these matters, and take measures to remedy the present state of affairs.

A former steward of the royal hospital at Manila memorializes the Council of the Indias (1618) regarding the losses incurred by that institution through the mismanagement of its funds; and various orders conducive to the improvement of the hospital are thereupon given by the Council.

Soon after his arrival in the islands the new governor, Alonso Fajardo de Tenza, writes to the king (August 10, 1618) regarding the state of affairs there. He finds the colony suffering from various recent disasters, and much fear and uncertainty among the people. He implores aid from the king to maintain the Philippine colony and defend it from its enemies. He is endeavoring to make the most of his scanty naval torce, in the face of news that hostile fleets are coming to attack the islands; and has sent to Nueva España to ask for reënforcements and supplies. His predecessor, Geronimo de Silva, desires to go to Spain; but the Audiencia orders an investigation of his official conduct, especially in regard to the loss of the galleons. Fajardo recommends that more care be taken to provide suitably for an ad interim government of the islands, when such shall occur; and declines certain perquisites of his office. Much resentment against the Audiencia is felt among the people, since the best offices and incomes in the islands are appropriated by relatives and dependents of the auditors, who seem bent on exploiting the colony for their own profit, and oppress the inhabitants; and

Fajardo asks the king to check their selfishness and arrogance. He is trying to correct certain illegal proceedings by the auditors in their recent government ad interim, and asks the king to suspend his confirmation of these until he can send further information thereon; he makes the same request in regard to other cases where certain persons are intriguing to obtain profitable appointments. He asks for skilled clerks and galley-masters; and, after recounting the injuries caused to the Indians by the building of galleys in the islands, he states that he will endeavor to procure vessels in Portuguese India. Some private persons in the islands are building ships, but the Indian labor employed thereon is paid and voluntary. Fajardo makes some suggestions for the better management of naval affairs. He also forwards the request of Manila citizens that encomiendas be granted for three lives; and asks for rewards for certain brave military and naval officers. The Audiencia finally compel Geronimo de Silva to furnish his residencia in person, and clear himself from charges made against him.

To the governor’s letter are appended several others, which concern Malucan affairs. Manuel Ribeyra, a Jesuit, states that the governor there, Gaviria, has fortified the Spanish posts in his care, which are in unusually good condition; certain supplies, however, are needed for them, as also a better class of subaltern officers. Gaviria is somewhat overbearing in disposition, but Ribeyra commends his ability. That officer himself writes to Fajardo, explaining why he cannot at present fill the governor’s order for a quantity of cloves. The Dutch and English are contending with each other in the Moluccas; and the former, it is said, are intending to attack the Spanish forts there soon. Gaviria has but few men, and some of these are unfit for duty. He needs a few galleys, as he has “only one rotten galliot”; also troops, money, and clothing. Gaviria thinks that the Dutch are being to some extent supplanted by the English; and that the latter will gladly unite with the Spaniards against the common enemy. He recommends the abandonment of the Spanish posts in Gilolo. A letter from the king of Tidore accompanies Gaviria’s letter, in which that ruler demands that Fajardo succor the Spanish forts promptly.

Letters from the king to Fajardo (December 19, 1618) give him orders regarding certain matters in the administration of the Philippine government. Offices shall be given to these citizens of the islands who deserve rewards for meritorious services. The alarming expenses of the Maluco establishment are not counterbalanced by any returns from the spice-trade there, and it is openly declared that the Spanish officials have embezzled what profits might have accrued therefrom to the royal treasury. Fajardo is therefore ordered to investigate this matter and punish those who may be guilty; and to take charge, for the present, of the conduct of the clove-trade at Ternate. The force of men there should be reduced, if practicable; and certain forts in Maluco should be abandoned. In these and other ways expenses must be reduced. The governor and the archbishop must warn the religious orders to cease their exactions upon the Indians. A separate letter warns the governor that expenses must be reduced to the utmost; and that he must maintain the colony on its own revenues, without aid from the government. He is advised to endeavor to open and work the mines in the islands; but in doing so he must not molest or injure the Indians. He should endeavor to enlist their aid in this undertaking, and the missionaries should use their influence with the natives.

The Jesuit Joan de Ribera writes to some high official in Spain (December 20, 1618), urging the importance of Manila and the Philippines, and the necessity of opposing the progress that the Dutch are making in India, Japan, and the archipelago, so as to preserve for Spain the rich trade of the East. Another most important consideration is the need of maintaining these islands as a center for religious labors among the heathen tribes.

A naval officer, Sebastian de Pineda, sends from Nueva España (1619) to the king a paper on ships and shipbuilding in the Philippines. He begins by describing various kinds of timber used for this purpose; then enumerates, the shipyards in the islands, and the wages paid to the workmen. Fourteen hundred carpenters were formerly employed at one time in the Cavite shipyard alone; but half of them were killed or captured by the Moros in 1617, many have died from overwork, and many others have fled to parts unknown because they had been unpaid for five years. Iron is brought to Manila from China and Japan, and wrought by the Chinese and Indian artisans; the Chinese smith “works from midnight until sunset,” and earns less than one real a day. Iron should be imported from Biscay, however, for some special purposes. Much useful information is given as to the material, quality, and prices of rigging and canvas. Pineda makes recommendations as to the shipment to Manila of various articles, showing how present expenses may be lessened, and waste avoided, in many ways. He states that the naval defense of the islands is quite inadequate, and they are consequently in danger of being seized by the Dutch. But it is at present impossible to build in the islands the ships needed there; for the natives are exhausted by the labors and exactions imposed upon them in previous years, and by the deaths of so many at the hands of the enemy or through the hardships of enforced naval service. Pineda recommends that the ships needed for the islands be built in India or Cochin, and that slaves be brought thence to serve on the Philippine galleys. Many Filipino natives are migrating to Nueva España, which should be checked. One reason for this is the fact that these Filipinos distil palm-wine, which will soon ruin the wine-trade of Spain in Nueva España. The incursions of the Mindanao pirates have also been a serious obstacle to shipbuilding in the Philippines; and they have rendered the use of La Caldera, as a station for the Spanish vessels, impossible, while they welcome the Dutch to their shores. Pineda recommends that the king proclaim that any one who wishes may wage war upon and enslave these Mindanao infidels, as thus only can they be subdued. He ends with a report on the measurements of the galleons in the islands in 1617.

A royal decree dated February 19, 1619, confirms the ordinance enacted by the dean and cabildo of Manila cathedral, refusing benefices and ecclesiastical dignities to religious who have been expelled from their orders.

The Dominican missionary Diego Aduarte proposes to the Council of the Indias (probably in May, 1619) a means to check the outflow of silver from Nueva España to the Philippines. Aduarte recommends that the trade of the islands with Nueva España be suppressed, and that their inhabitants be allowed to trade with Japan, selling in that country the silks that they buy from the Chinese. But the bulk of this trade is already in the hands of the Portuguese of Macao; in order that it may be monopolized by Manila, Aduarte advises that Macao be abandoned, and its inhabitants transported to other cities of India. This can be accomplished easily by a royal decree forbidding them to engage in the Japanese trade, which would compel them to go elsewhere. He enumerates the beneficial results of this measure, and declares that even without these Macao should be abandoned; for its people are lawless and irreligious, and are not even vassals of Spain, but of China. The Portuguese of Macao are needed in India, which country would be benefited in many ways by the measure proposed, as also would the kingdoms of Spain and Portugal.

Moreover, they hinder, by their evil example, the conversion of the Chinese natives.

One of the Manila Jesuits writes (July 12, 1619) an account of events in the Philippines and in the neighboring countries during the past year. The city of Bassein, near Bombay, has been destroyed by storms and earthquakes. In China there has been a persecution of the Christians, and four Jesuits were expelled from the empire. Others remain there, who are preaching the gospel wherever they can. In certain inland districts, these missionaries have encountered a large colony of Jews, and a people who worship the cross, although they are heathens. The Tartars have invaded Chinese territory, and our writer copies the text of a memorial regarding this invasion, sent by the mandarins of Pekin to the ruler of China, detailing the defeats and misfortunes suffered by the Chinese. They complain of his neglect of public affairs, and his harsh treatment of a certain mandarin, and ask him to take measures to drive back the Tartars, in Cochinchina the recently-begun missions of the Jesuits are prospering. For the Japanese mission are coming a large reënforcement of Jesuit missionaries; but affairs there are so disturbed that they cannot enter the country at present. The writer recounts various omens and portents which are said to have occurred in China and Japan. In the latter country, a fierce persecution of the Christians serves but to display the steadfastness and zeal of both the missionaries and their converts. Several naval encounters between the Dutch and the English and Portuguese are narrated. Good news comes from the Moluccas: the petty king of Manados, with many of his chiefs, is converted to the Christian faith; Tidore and Ternate are at war; and Maluco is well supplied. Both Dutch and Spaniards are building more forts in those islands. Other European nations also are acquiring a foothold in the archipelago. The writer describes two remarkable comets which have been visible in Manila. A plague of locusts is destroying the grain-crops. In October, 1618, the Dutch again come to Luzón to plunder the Chinese merchant vessels; but they do not attack Manila, and in the following spring they depart from the islands, perhaps overawed by the forces of ships and guns which the Spaniards collect.

Pedro de Arce, bishop of Cebú, writes to the king (July 30, 1619); he praises Governor Fajardo, and asks the king to send more ships to his aid. The bishop asks permission to resign his see, and more salary as acting archbishop; recommends Pedro de Heredia to the king; asks that an ad interim appointment in the cathedral may receive royal confirmation, and that the Cebú church may receive a grant for repairs and further income. He requests that the ecclesiastical cabildo of Manila may be authorized to rule the archbishopric, in case of the death of the archbishop. It is reported that the Jesuits are endeavoring to oust the other orders from Japan, which Arce deprecates, advising the king to confirm the appointment of the Franciscan Luis Sotelo as bishop of eastern Japan. Arce’s requests regarding the archbishopric of Manila are seconded by various papers appended to his letter, embodying the opinions of the auditors and royal officials thereon, who support Arce’s claims.

A letter from Fajardo to the king (August 10, 1619) gives his report on various matters of importance. He has received certain reënforcements and supplies from Mexico, but urges that these be sent every year. He describes the last incursion of the Dutch in Philippine waters, and his military preparations by which they were obliged to retreat thence. His resources for defense are small, and he cannot depend upon India for aid, as the Portuguese there are themselves in straits; accordingly, the king must send a fleet from Spain for the aid of the islands. He has aided Ternate to the best of his ability, and will send more when he can. The governor there has resigned his post, after many complaints of his rule; Fajardo has made a temporary appointment, and asks the king to provide further for this post. The English in the archipelago are engaged in conflicts with the Dutch, and it is rumored that the former would like to ally themselves with the Spaniards to fight their mutual foe. Fajardo is perplexed regarding the king of Ternate, who is still held a prisoner at Manila; and asks for instructions. He makes various recommendations and requests concerning the appointment of certain subordinates, desiring to secure persons most fit therefor. He has attempted to correct abuses in the government, which he recounts in detail. Fajardo has been annoyed by constant quarrels in the Audiencia, but, with the somewhat reluctant aid of the old auditor Alcaraz, has been able to quiet them in part. He has found in both Alcaraz and the archbishop Serrano, most judicious and helpful counselors; but the other auditors are on bad terms with him, and one of them has a scandalous reputation, both public and private. A scandal has occurred in the seminary of Santa Potenciana, but the guilty have been punished. Conflicts of jurisdiction have arisen between Fajardo and the Audiencia, especially in regard to the trials of soldiers and sailors for crimes. The governor complains that retired officers refuse to serve in the regular companies; and asks that extra pay be allowed them as an inducement for such service. He asks for directions as to his sending the usual gifts to the emperor of Japan. The loyalty and bravery of the Spanish citizens of Manila are warmly commended, especially in the case of Juan Ronquillo and some others who are named. Certain intrigues and frauds have been detected, which are recounted. Fajardo recommends that more Jesuits be sent to the islands; he complains that the Dominicans are too ready to leave their work, but commends the Augustinians. A short document appended to Fajardo’s letter concerns the relative merits of the routes to Filipinas via Cape of Good Hope and Cape Horn respectively.

A group of papers dated 1610–19 shows that an encomienda of Indians was granted to the seminary of Santa Potenciana for its support, in consequence of the destitution suffered by its inmates.

An important document is that sent—in two memorials, of 1619 and March, 1620, respectively—to the king by Hernando de los Rios Coronel, long procurator-general of the Filipinas, on “reforms needed” in the islands—of which he has been despatched by the citizens to inform the king. Accordingly, he writes (apparently at Madrid) a detailed statement of the “matters that demand reform.” Serious losses of life and property have been caused by the delays in despatching the trading ships from Manila; the governors should be compelled to send them at the favorable season. The officials on these vessels should be appointed from among the deserving citizens of the islands, and not be the relatives or servants of the governor or other royal officials. The citizens have been greatly defrauded in the assignment of lading on the galleons, and too much of this is granted to charitable institutions. The trading ships should not be used for any other purposes. The Manila authorities buy ammunition and other supplies in China, which, “in order not to anger the Portuguese in Macan,” they buy from them rather than from the natives, but the supplies thus cost three times their value; the agent who buys them should buy wherever he can do so to the best advantage, and directly from the Chinese. The royal ships should be built in India, and the burden of enforced service in this work should be removed from the Indians. Commerce from Japan to Nueva España should be stopped; and Spaniards should not be allowed to man Japanese

vessels. An enemy can close Manila harbor to all vessels desiring to enter; another route to it should therefore be devised and made available. The Moro pirates must be prevented from harassing the islands, and the best means for this end is to proclaim that any one who will may capture and enslave those pirates. No royal official should be allowed to attend the session of the Audiencia in which a case concerning him is tried. When Filipino natives serve as soldiers, their families should during their absence be relieved from tributes and other impositions. The ecclesiastical affairs of the Malucas should be under the jurisdiction of Cebú, not of Goa. The commanders of the trading ships should not be allowed to carry on the trade that they now do; and the officials at Acapulco should be checked in making extortionate charges. Ignorant and inefficient men should not be placed in the ships as sailors. The common seamen therein (who are Filipino natives) are inhumanly treated, and many of them die from hunger, thirst, or cold, on each voyage. Slave women are carried on the ships, in spite of the royal prohibition; and thus arise “many acts offensive to God,” and much cause for scandal. No sailor or passenger (unless a person of rank) should be allowed to take with him more than one male slave. Numerous other abuses are mentioned, regarding the traffic in slaves, the treatment of seamen, and the overloading of ships. The Chinese at Manila are oppressed by the royal officials—who, moreover, appropriate their own household supplies of food from the royal storehouses at the lowest possible prices. Municipal officers and other leading citizens should not be compelled, as now, to live on their encomiendas. Flour, rigging, and many other supplies should be obtained in the islands, instead of being imported from Nueva España; a great saving of money would be thus effected. The oppressive acts of the friars toward the Indians should be checked; and no more orders should be allowed to establish themselves in the islands. The Chinese immigrants in Luzón should be collected in one community, and induced to cultivate the soil. No relative or dependent of any royal official should be allowed to hold a seat in the cabildo of Manila, or to act as inspector of the Chinese trading vessels. More religious are needed in the missions. The Chinese residents should be treated more justly, and relieved from burdensome exactions. The Japanese who come to Manila should be compelled to return to their own country. No more ships should be built by the natives, and they should be paid the arrearages which are due them.

The other memorial by Rios Coronel (March, 1620) is additional and supplementary to the former one. He asks that regidors of Manila be chosen by the Audiencia, and allowed some compensation for their services; and that the governor be not allowed to compel the cabildo to meet in his house. He blames the friars for transferring Indians from the encomiendas to settlements near Manila, where these natives are kept merely for the profit of the friars, and, moreover, become greatly demoralized. The grant of licenses to Chinamen to reside in the islands should be more carefully regulated; and they should in no case be allowed to sleep within the walls of Manila. The Japanese are also an undesirable element of the population, and their coming to the islands should be restricted. The “commons,” or reserve supplies of rice, contributed by the Indians do them no good, for these are plundered by the Spanish officials; and the number of these oppressors has been unduly increased. Other injuries are inflicted upon the natives, for whose protection the writer pleads; and these unjust acts are committed by both the officials and the religious. Rios Coronel objects to the practice in vogue of giving the Indians military training; and to the traffic in slaves from Malacca, which brings to the Philippines dangerous and criminal blacks. Public suits should be tried and decided in the Audiencia, and not sent to Mexico. The governors should not be allowed to treat the citizens with insolence; and should be obliged to send the trading ships to Mexico at the right season, in order to avoid the present frequent loss of property and lives in wrecked vessels. Another cause of these losses is the culpable neglect and recklessness of royal officials and governors. Various abuses in the equipment, lading, and management of the trading vessels are pointed out, with the corrective measures that should be taken. The fertile and healthful province of Nueva Segovia is neglected, and its population is decreasing; this should be remedied by the colonial authorities. Rios Coronel asks for the appointment of a competent and reliable shore-master to aid him in the equipment and despatch of the ships, and for more thorough inspection of what is done by royal officials in the islands; for the latter purpose he recommends a choice from several ecclesiastics whom he names. The Moro pirates still ravage the islands, and the king should permit them to be enslaved by any one who may capture them. The head-hunting Zambales and Negrillos of Luzón continually harass the peaceable Pampangos; and this can only be stopped by allowing the Pampangos to enslave these foes when captured. The Filipino natives have been almost ruined by the exactions of forced labor imposed upon them by the Spaniards, especially in the building and navigation of vessels. Rios Coronel says: “As I have seen personally, and as all the inhabitants of that country know, the galleys of the Filipinas are their destruction.” Rios Coronel describes the sort of vessel which should be used in the islands (one of which he has built at his own cost), and asks that such be furnished for the use of the colony. The garrison at Manila is insufficient and demoralized; and the writer makes various recommendations for improving its status. Many persons in the artillery service are incompetent; the writer demands a sort of civil-service test for those appointed to such places. He also asks for a competent artillery-founder. Better provisions should be made for the ecclesiastical government of the islands. He asks that silver bullion from Japan may be legalized as money in the Philippines; and concludes with the request that the religious and the officials there be compelled to treat the Indians more kindly. A letter by Rios Coronel, included in this document, is deferred to Vol. XIX.

The Editors
August, 1904.

Documents of 1617–1618

• Letter to Felipe III. Andrés de Alcaraz; August 10, 1617.
• Trade between Nueva España and the Far East. [Unsigned and undated; ca. 1617].
• Events in the Filipinas Islands, 1617–1618. [Unsigned]; June, 1618.
• Description of the Philippinas Islands. [Unsigned]; 1618.

class="pginternal" tag="{http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml}a">Dutch factories and posts in the Orient. [Pedro de Heredia]; [1618?].

Memorial regarding Manila hospital. [Unsigned]; 1618.

Letter to Felipe III. Alonso Fajardo de Tenza; August 10, 1618.

Letters to Fajardo. Felipe III; December 19, 1618.

Filipinas menaced by Dutch. Joan de Ribera, S.J.; December 20, 1618.

Sources: The first, and last four, of these documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla; the remainder, from MSS. in the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid.

Translations: The first and seventh are translated by James A. Robertson; the second, third, and fourth, by Herbert E. Bolton, Ethel Z. Rather, and Mattie A. Austin, of the University of Texas; the remainder, by Robert W. Haight.

Letter from Licentiate Alcaraz to Felipe III

Sire:

The enclosed papers were taken from the ships that were going last year to Nueva España. Those ships were despatched to make the voyage by way of Yndia; but as the Dutch enemy was lying at the entrances of this bay with his ten warships, it was not possible for the ships to leave, for it would have been only to have fallen, beyond all doubt, into his hands. In them I inform your Majesty of everything occurring up to their date. In this I shall inform you of what is new. The coming of this enemy caused the anxiety which was the reason—inasmuch as we had heard for a long time that he was coming; and that he would wait to seize the Chinese and Japanese ships, and prevent their entrance into the city with food—that, in order to frustrate those designs, I, with the advice of the Audiencia and the council of war, resolved to prepare seven galleons and to equip them as thoroughly as possible, so that they could go out to fight that enemy. When about to set this plan afoot, obstacles began to arise, because there was not a single real in the royal treasury, on account of the non-arrival of the ships from Nueva España; and because the country was in great need, and had no income except that collected from the licenses of the Sangleys. These were collected with great effort and difficulty, but the sum was all spent in a few days in the repair of these galleons. When there was nothing more to use, the ship expected from Nueva España arrived. It had put in at Japon, and brought more than eight hundred thousand pesos for the royal treasury and for the citizens. It was regarded as a great mercy of God that He should help this afflicted land in such necessity and extremity, and that He should keep this ship from falling into the hands of that enemy. After this the repairs and preparations of this fleet proceeded with great energy, and although innumerable obstacles continued to arise because the wood, rigging, rice, and other things necessary had to be conveyed by long detours, all difficulties were conquered by God’s help. To Him recourse was always had, through all the religious orders and the religious, so that His [Divine] Majesty should be pleased to aid this [our] cause against those rebels to His church and sacrament, and to your Majesty, and disturbers of the common peace. These joyous causes furnished ecclesiastical and secular motive to request me, with loud and frequent acclamations of joy, to hasten as quickly as possible the preparation of this fleet. Notwithstanding that it was detained, they said that it could go out; for they were assured that, since we had so large galleons, that enemy would not dare to await it, and that the flagship and almiranta were alone sufficient to drive away that enemy and prevent the damages that were expected so close at hand. They said that the preparations that were intended to be made would be useless, for, when they were finished, then the enemy would have already gone to Terrenate, enriched with his booty from the Chinese ships; and that damage would result from delay, while great expenses would have to be met from the royal treasury. For my part, all these arguments, since they arose from loyal desires, without taking the trouble to show the irreparable injuries that would result from that course of action, caused me no care. I constantly attended to the repairing and preparation of this fleet as well as possible, including in it whatever your Majesty possesses in these islands. The reason that obliged me to lay great stress upon that enemy was that—since he knew that Don Juan de Silva had gone to Sincapura with a fleet of ten galleons, four galleys, and one patache—he, without knowing of the governor’s death, came to look for him with an equal number of warships. These were chosen from twenty-two vessels, and equipped with the best artillery and men of arms and war in them all; and he dared to come within sight of our walls and very confidently was coming with his great force. Consequently I considered it best to prepare an armed fleet which, being such, might be able to fight with his. Not of less consideration was the fact that we are in the view of so many barbarous nations, who esteem and extol him who conquers. Accordingly it was necessary to consider carefully not to place our reputation and credit in any danger, but that we should have as superior a fleet to his as could be collected, to go out to measure strength with the enemy; for in this case what was once branded1 could not be effaced.

The final reason that caused me to arm those galleons with the best forces that could he assembled was the consideration that the enemy should not go out victorious because your Majesty did not possess in this land the means with which we could construct a fleet in many years; and if we drove the enemy’s fleet away and punished him as his boldness and arrogance merited, he would have to lay aside his desire for returning to these islands, and would leave them quiet and peaceful, and free from the dangers that his coming threatened. With this resolution conquering great difficulties with the help of God, who always favored this His cause, the fleet of seven galleons, one patache, and three galleys was prepared. In order to man them with the rowers that were needed, the citizens, Sangley Christians, and some Indians lent two hundred and twenty-three slaves. And as one hundred and fifty slaves were still wanting to man them sufficiently, and because there was so little revenue in the royal treasury, I made efforts to have the Sangley infidels supply this deficiency, inasmuch as they were the most interested in avoiding the damages caused by that enemy. They excused themselves from giving persons to serve in the galleys; but offered to give the money to pay those hired rowers who were willing to go. For this purpose the Sangleys themselves made a contribution of one peso apiece from all who had any money, and gave five thousand

pesos. This sum they delivered to a regidor for the pay of any slave or freeman who was willing to serve on this occasion, to each one of whom twenty-five pesos would be given. With this sum one hundred and forty-seven rowers were gathered. Some new slaves were bought with this money and the others were paid twenty-five pesos apiece. One thousand five hundred and forty-five pesos of the five thousand pesos happened to be left, and this amount was spent for another matter of equal importance.

In order to equip these galleons and galleys—and that very moderately—we needed one thousand infantrymen; but all the islands could only furnish six hundred paid soldiers. In order to supply this lack, three hundred and eighty men were provided from the citizens of this city, and from captains, alférezes, and sergeants on half-pay—the captains numbering thirty-four, the alférezes one hundred and six, the sergeants eighty, and the common soldiers one hundred and sixty. These men showed a willingness to take service on this occasion for honor. But to fulfil their obligations they had not the means with which to buy any arms, or other supplies which were necessary to them. The report spread that, if the money were not given to them so that they could equip themselves, they could not embark. It was necessary to find a remedy for the loss that might result from this condition, and the one that seemed most suitable so that they might serve your Majesty with single-heartedness, was to assign as a gratuity to each captain one hundred pesos, to each alférez fifty, to each sergeant thirty-five, and to each common soldier twenty-five. But inasmuch as the royal treasury had nothing wherefrom to supply these gratuities, and they could not be avoided, thirty toneladas of the freightage for Nueva España were distributed, and were divided among the citizens who had capital. Each citizen was given one pieza2 for twenty-five pesos. In this way six thousand pesos were raised, which, with the one thousand five hundred and forty-five pesos given by the Sangleys, amount to seven thousand five hundred and forty-five pesos. This money was given as a gratuity, with thirty-nine toneladas more and six piezas; figuring this at twenty-five pesos a pieza, all the help amounted to fifteen thousand five hundred pesos. This amount was regulated by giving to each captain fifty pesos and two piezas of the cargo; to each alférez, twenty-five pesos, and one pieza of the cargo; to each sergeant, ten pesos and one pieza of the cargo, and to each common soldier his twenty-five pesos.

To aid the seamen, who are a discontented class, there was no money. For after having aided the paid infantry, not a single peso was left in the royal treasury. Forty-six of the citizens lent twenty-two thousand seven hundred pesos and the treasury of the probate court [caxa de bienes de défuntos]3 lent four thousand. A moderate amount of aid was furnished to those men by that means. After that, naught more was left to be done toward the suitable preparation of the royal fleet. May God be praised, who favored this cause so greatly, so that your Majesty might be better served. It can be thoroughly understood that to attempt any of these three things would give anxiety even to him who had considerable power of management; for the departure of the fleet to fight with the enemy depended on very careful management; while, on the contrary, it must remain in port if all the expenses incurred in its preparation had been carelessly planned. But it happened as we could have desired. When all necessary arrangements had been made, the bishop of Zibu, who has charge of this archbishopric, gave his blessing to the royal fleet. The fleet took as patroness the immaculate conception of our Lady, who was conceived without the stain of original sin. It left the port of Cavite in charge of Don Juan Rronquillo del Castillo,4 on Saturday, on the eighth day of the month of April, one thousand six hundred and seventeen, to find the enemy, who was stationed at Playa Honda5 with six vessels. There, in the past year of six hundred and sixteen, he was defeated by Governor Don Juan de Silva. Three ships of the enemy were thirty leguas in advance, on the look-out for Chinese vessels, while the last of his ten ships had been sent to Terrenate. On Thursday, the thirteenth of the said month, our fleet sighted four vessels [of the enemy’s fleet]. They were lying by very carelessly, with two Chinese vessels that they had pillaged. Those two vessels ware carrying about three hundred thousand pesos’ worth of merchandise. One of them the enemy had begun to rob, although only slightly. It was impossible to attack them, for wind was lacking. Thereupon the enemy very leisurely weighed anchor, but did not leave the Chinese ships until the next day. Then as the two fleets were about to engage, they left their prizes, in order not to be hindered by them. They had already been joined by two other vessels. Our royal flagship had got to windward. Near it, at eight in the morning, was the galleon “San Juan Bautista” under command of Admiral Pedro de Heredia (but he was not admiral of the fleet). The other galleons were to leeward. As the enemy saw so good an opportunity, he maneuvered his six ships, placing them in good order. His flagship passed within musket-shot of one side of the royal flagship and discharged its artillery. Answering them with another, as good and better, many volleys were fired without missing one shot, because the pieces were fired at so short a distance. Another ship passed, with the same good order, giving and taking its heavy volleys. The four other ships of those which I said were there, did the same. It was the greatest gallantry that I ever saw; for our galleon gave all those of the enemy so many volleys that it displayed excellently its great strength—as well as the injury received by the enemy, since he attempted nothing more on that day. On our side five men were killed and eight wounded. The following day, Saturday, the fifteenth of the same month of April, the two fleets got ready to fight, and ours got to windward. Orders were given for each galleon to grapple with one of the enemy—flagship with flagship, and the “San Juan Bautista” with the almiranta of the enemy; while the galleon “San Lorenzo” and the patache were to aid whichever boat they saw needed help; the galley flagship was to aid the royal flagship, and the other two galleys the galleon nearest them. The enemy was awaiting us in excellent order; and, signaling the other vessels to attack him, our first galleon, named “Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe,” under Captain Juan Bautista de Molina, grappled; and then the royal flagship with that of the enemy; the galleon “San Juan Bautista” with their almiranta; the galleon “San Miguel,” commanded by Rodrigo de Guillestigui, with the ship that fell to its lot; the galleon “San Lorenço,” under Captain Juan de Acevedo, with another ship. As for the galleon “San Marcos,” under Captain Don Juan de la Vega (one of the best ships of the fleet), and the galleon “San

Phelipe,” under Captain Sebastian de Madrid, these two did not grapple, although common report says that they could have done so had they made an effort. They fought a very fierce battle. The galleon “Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe” defeated its opponent, being aided by the galley under Captain Don Diego de Quiñones; and the enemy having shown a flag of peace, soldiers from our side entered it in token of victory. The royal flagship, after having been grappled for more than two hours—the battle being fought with great gallantry on each side, each firing heavy volleys at the other, and the galley flagship aiding on its side—was reported to be leaking badly from the effect of certain volleys which it received at its water line. This forced it to throw off the grappling-irons and go away; while the enemy’s ship refused to mind its helm, and, in a little more than half an hour, careened on one side and sank, without any of its cargo being seen. Forty or more men, among them the general, escaped in two lanchas. With great efforts they reached one of their ships. The galleon “San Miguel,” after having fought with great courage, set fire to its opponent, a vessel of eight hundred toneladas, laden with cloth which they had stolen. The fire caught the main-sail, which was so quickly burned that the sail fell, on the yard, into the waist of the ship. The ship continued to burn so fiercely that it could not be quenched. All the men took to the sea, some in lanchas and others swimming, most of the latter being drowned. This burning ship drifted to where our galleon “Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe” was stationed. Near it was the captured galleon, and the burning vessel coming down upon the latter, set fire to it; and this one began to burn so furiously that the soldiers who had entered it escaped with difficulty, while some were burned. And, since our galley was not so near now, all, both Spaniards and Dutch, were drowned or burned. Then the first burning ship passed on. The galleon “San Juan Bautista” having almost captured the enemy’s almiranta, the burning vessel bore down upon them both. Throwing off their grappling-irons with considerable difficulty, the fire forced them to ungrapple; and at once they separated, so that the fire might not injure them. Thereupon victory was declared, and the three hostile ships took to flight badly crippled. Their almiranta was so damaged that our people thought that it would surely sink. Those three vessels were pursued by the “San Marcos,” and “San Phelipe,” which were more to the windward, and by all the rest of the fleet. However, inasmuch as the royal flagship, the “San Juan Bautista,” and the “San Miguel” and “Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe” were hardly used and leaking badly, they turned shoreward after midnight. In the morning the “San Marcos” and the “San Phelipe” found themselves alone, and somewhat separated, and found no traces of the enemy. Although they should have kept together, they did not do it, but each vessel acted by itself. The galleon “San Marcos” went to a place where two ships of the enemy were pillaging two other Chinese ships. When the enemy discovered it, one of his vessels went to reconnoiter it, while the other stayed behind with the vessels that they were pillaging. They commenced to fight and the battle lasted more than three hours, at the end of which the Dutch vessel withdrew and joined the other ship. Next day—that of San Marcos—the [Dutch] ship that had not fought came; it is understood that it was reënforced with men. Firing a quantity of chain-shot, it did considerable damage to our rigging; and as our main yard had fallen, our ship did not mind its helm well. Consequently, our galleon sustained serious injury at the stern, upon which its commander came to a very imprudent resolution—namely, to go in toward shore and anchor in twelve brazas of water, and there fight with the enemy. This was so carelessly executed that, upon throwing the anchor, they could not find bottom, whereupon they grounded the galleon in four brazas of water. The entire crew went ashore taking some things with them. None of the enemy disembarked. As the commander thought that the enemy could burn them with his lanchas, he made another decision as bad as the other, and set fire to his vessel. Thereby was lost the hull of the ship, which was especially good. The artillery and anchors were all taken out and most of them are ashore. The commander appears to be very blameworthy; and the investigation to punish him according to his offense is now being made. This devolves upon Don Geronimo de Silva, castellan and governor of the forts of Terrenate, to whom your Majesty has granted the office of captain-general because of the death of Governor Don Juan de Silva, until a proprietary governor is provided. All the rest of the fleet returned to the port of Cavite. The bad treatment received by the galleons from the many volleys, the sailors, soldiers, and artillery aboard them, and the dead and wounded, your Majesty can ascertain, if so pleased, from the charts accompanying this letter.

May God give your Majesty many most happy victories for His honor and glory and the welfare of all Christianity. Such may be expected, since in a land so destitute as this, and by means so weak as these now, His Divine Majesty was pleased to destroy the greatest fleet from Olanda ever seen in these districts; and at a juncture when, if the fleet sent by your Majesty by way of the cape of Buena Esperança arrives safely, strong hopes may be entertained that it will drive that enemy from sea and land, because he has lost many men and ships, and more than ninety pieces of artillery. The best and largest of the cannon were taken from his fortresses, and he will have difficulty in replacing them. Although three pataches were prepared to take the usual help to the forts of Terrenate, the enemy did not allow them to sail from the port of Cavite. Considering the need and stress that the forts were in, and that they had only sufficient food to last until the end of September, as the castellan wrote, I ordered all the champans possible to be collected and prepared with great haste in Oton, eighty leguas from this city, and to be laden with rice, meat, wine, and other supplies. As champans are but insecure craft, and badly managed, inasmuch as they are manned by Sangleys, I sent some sailors to serve as pilots. Eight champans were prepared, of which six reached their destination, besides one despatched from Zebú. By all possible means I managed to succor those forts. They were made very happy by the help that reached them—for they were quite out of rice—and by the hopes that I gave them of the speedy sailing of a ship laden with food, clothing, and money. Thus the forts were provided sufficiently to enable them to await the help that was to be sent in the ship.

The viceroy of Nueva España despatched two advice-boats which reached these islands, early in February and in March. They brought your Majesty’s papers for Don Juan de Silva, which the royal Audiencia received. They contained the title of master-of-camp for Don Geronimo de Silva, knight of the Order of St. John, and castellan and governor of the soldiers of Terrenate; an order to Don Juan de Silva that the former be given the title of captain-general of artillery, and an appointment [with instructions], so that, in case of the said Don Juan de Silva’s death, it might be opened. On opening it, we found your Majesty’s grant to Don Geronimo de Silva of an appointment as captain-general, on sea and land, in these islands and in Terrenate. He was at Terrenate engaged in his duties there, for Don Juan de Silva’s statement to your Majesty, saying that he was ordering Don Geronimo to

Manila to act as master-of-camp, and was sending Lucas de Bergara Gabiria to Terrenate, had not been carried out. With all possible haste I sent a galley to advise him of the grace bestowed upon him by your Majesty. In the boat I sent ten thousand pesos in reals, four thousand five hundred pieces of cloth, and what wine and rice it could carry for their sustenance going and returning, besides a quantity of jars of powder. Within twenty days I despatched the three pataches that were at the port of Cavite, since the enemy had now left the entrances to this bay; and with them I sent Don Gaviria to serve in the offices held by Don Geronimo de Silva. They carried more than three thousand baskets of rice, with wine, and meat; a quantity of clothing; six thousand pesos in reals; four eighteen-pounders, and a number of jars of powder; and balls, and many other things for the sustenance of those forts. The occupants of the forts have reported that that was the most substantial help that has been sent them for many years. May God be praised that He provided help for the great necessity of that presidio at a so needy time. Another royal decree was also received, in which your Majesty orders that pilots be sent by more than one way, so that they may go to await the royal fleet that is to come by way of the cape of Buena Esperanza, and give the general of it orders to go to Terrenate or to Manila—whichever place may be more suitable for his effective despatch. Having called a council of war, it was decided, the Audiencia concurring, that the fleet should come to Manila—because it would thus find accommodation in ports that furnish docking, shipyards, and materials—and join the galleons here; and chiefly because there is the means here for their sustenance, which cannot be had in Terrenate. Shortly after the twentieth of March, a galliot and a patache were despatched in which two pilots sailed, those most experienced in navigation. They came from España with General Rrui Gonçalez de Sequeira, and had gone to the strait of Sincapura with Don Juan de Silva, one of them as his chief pilot.

The said Don Geronimo de Silva reached the port of Cavite May seven, after I had had charge of the office of captain-general for fifteen months. These islands enjoyed during that time the greatest peace and quiet for many years, except for the war of the enemy—as disinterested persons will relate, to whom credit must be given. I hope that they will continue in that condition, and improve with the coming of that cavalier. I find certain objections [to him] in accounts, emanating from Terrenate, of the trouble experienced by the infantry because of the harshness of his temper and the ill-treatment that they have received in word and deed. During the first week after his arrival in this city he has manifested the same disposition toward several persons who made the expedition, in depriving them of certain military posts in order to bestow them upon his followers and relatives, who say that they are to be preferred to others. They feel so exalted over this office [of Don Geronimo], with which he is willing to provide them government posts, that they desire all persons to call him “your Lordship.” And because the first day of his arrival, Licentiate Madrid y Luna, auditor of this royal Audiencia, did not call him so, Don Geronimo sent him a message saying that since the auditor was his friend he should honor him by calling him “your Lordship.” He has not broached this subject to me, for he knows that I do not consider it fitting to occupy myself with these matters, which are immaterial and confer no authority; and that the office itself possesses enough dignity without trying to give it that which is not needful to it in order that your Majesty may be well served. He ordered an edict to be published that all the captains, army officers, and soldiers whose places have been abolished during the last ten years, should appear at the office of the royal accountant within a fortnight, under penalty of six years’ service in the galleys. That caused a great uproar throughout the city; for they declared that they were not his subjects. The captains—feeling angered because they were under no such obligation, but employing the mild and expedient measures of courtesy, so that there might be peace and the people become quieted—as soon as the session began sent the governor a message by the clerk of the Audiencia, petitioning that he consider the edict and correct the commotion caused by it. They requested that he would check future evils by suspending the effect of the edict, for those included in it were in the jurisdiction of the government; and it concerned the Audiencia not to allow injury to be inflicted on anyone, especially since this act was opposed to its authority. He replied that he was acting within his powers, and consequently he had ordered that measure. And although certain religious have, by virtue of their office, represented to him the difficulties that must result from the edict, as yet he has given no signs of regarding it with the consideration and reflection advisable to the service of your Majesty, and the peace and quiet of this community. He thinks that it is to be governed according to his will, and places no check on his own inclinations. If this is to be done, these islands will suffer until your Majesty shall provide such remedy as is advisable for your royal service. This royal Audiencia, performing its duty with what authority it possesses, will do its utmost; and it will not consent that he meddle in matters outside his jurisdiction. But all this must be with grievances to the community, and the people will live in disquiet and anxiety.

By one of the said pataches, I received three decrees from your Majesty. In one of them you were pleased to grant me acceptance of my resignation as auditor of this royal Audiencia, and permission to go to España. In another decree your Majesty orders the governor of these islands to give me accommodations in the vessels about to sail to Nueva España, in accordance with the quality of my person, and the offices that I have held. In the last decree your Majesty concedes me one year’s salary as a gratification for the many expenses that I shall incur in so long a voyage. Immediately upon receiving these royal decrees, I could have bid farewell to the Audiencia; but, considering that it was then in the midst of preparing the fleet, and since I had been employed in and had arranged what was advisable to your Majesty’s service, I thought that it would be very wrong to retire on such an occasion and flee the danger, and lift my hand from a matter of so great importance. After the expedition, I would have vacated my office and would have prepared to go to give your Majesty an account of many things of importance to your royal service, but I have neglected to do so, because there are no judges in the Audiencia. Licentiate Madrid y Luna is ready to go in one of the trading ships to serve in his position as alcalde of the court of Mexico. Doctor Juan Manuel de la Vega has been sick for four months, and small hopes are had of his recovery. Two new auditors are expected (who are known to be in Nueva España) on the ships of this year. When they shall have arrived, it will necessarily take some days for them to understand the affairs of government and the form of procedure of the Audiencia. Since I think that I shall serve your Majesty in this, I shall delay here no longer than is absolutely necessary for the Audiencia to fulfil its obligations, and so that your Majesty may be better served.

With the grace shown me by your Majesty in permitting me to go to España, I shall not enjoy my salary as auditor from the day that I shall cease to serve in this post. Consequently I shall not be able to live in accordance

with the quality of my person and the posts that I have held. In remuneration of twenty-nine years of service (twenty-four of them in the Indias)—and no favors have been granted me for the offices of president and captain-general, and the successful outcome of the difficulties that I experienced therein—I petition your Majesty to grant me the reward of certain pensions equivalent to the salary taken from me, or what reward your Majesty may be pleased to order given me, which will be in excess of what my services can merit.

The persons who have served best on this occasion, and who merit rewards from your Majesty, are: first, the general Don Juan Rronquillo del Castillo, who assisted at Cavite, from the first of November of last year, in the repair and preparation of this fleet, until he sailed from the port with it and fought the flagship of the enemy and defeated and sank it—and, according to what the prisoners say, it will be incredible in Olanda that there is sufficient force in the Philipinas to have defeated this galleon; next, Captain Don Diego de Quiñones, for the service rendered to your Majesty by him in resisting the enemy—first, at his entrance to the town of Oton (where the Dutch disembarked with six hundred men); then, after killing and wounding many men with less than one hundred soldiers, and causing the enemy to retreat ignominiously after a stay of not more than twenty-four hours in front of the said town, Don Diego came at my orders to serve on this occasion, leaning on a crutch—for he was not yet recovered from a musket-ball that had passed through one thigh—and served as commander of a galley. He found himself near the galleon “Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe,” which was grappled to another of the enemy; and, with his aid, the latter was defeated.