national hymn was being played. "Yesterday a young Dane remained sitting during the singing of the national hymn, for which reason the persons in the hall became greatly excited. 'Russian, stand up!' was shouted to him. In the same moment blows began to rain down upon him, so that, streaming with blood, he was carried out." (Berliner Zeitung am Mittag, August 4th.)

These are only a selection of many such incidents which show that the national brutishness was appearing through the veneer. In the light of such events where, on German soil, Germans murderously attacked their fellow-countrymen on such ridiculous pretexts, it requires little imagination to explain the outburst of brutality against Belgians who dared to defend hearth and home.

Meanwhile the smaller party which desired peace had not been entirely idle. On July 28th the Social Democrats held thirty-two mass meetings in Berlin to protest against war. "The attendance was in every case enormous, but the meetings were all orderly and calm. The police had taken extensive precautionary measures. The speakers were mostly members of the Reichstag or the Berlin Town Council. Throughout they were guilty of the most fiery and tactless attacks on Austria, to whom alone they ascribed the guilt for the warlike developments. Each meeting adopted a resolution against war. The chief of police had forbidden all processions or demonstrations to take place after the day before. In spite of this, many of the Socialists who had attended these meetings tried to form processions, especially in Unter den Linden. As large bodies of troops had closed the streets, small parties of the Socialists managed to reach the Linden by means of trams and omnibuses. At about 10 p.m. hisses and cries of 'Down with the war party!' were heard before the Café Kranzler. In a moment the number of Democrats swelled to large proportions and the workmen's Marseillaise was struck up, followed by a short, sharp order. The mounted police advanced with drawn swords against the rioters; the air was filled with shouts and cries of Pfui! (Shame!). On the other side of the road the crowd sang the national hymn. The masses clashed together, and the police advanced again and again till the street was cleared. At the corner, however, the Socialists formed up again, and began to demonstrate anew, so that the police were compelled to attack them without any consideration in order to preserve the peace. They cleared the pavements and galloped up the promenade. Again the cry echoed 'Down with war!' and as answer came 'die Wacht am Rhein.' But it was some considerable time before the struggle ceased to surge to and fro." (München-Augsburger Abendzeitung, July 29th.)

Thus the great Socialist-International-Pacifist movement, with four and a quarter million German voters behind it, fizzled out on the pavements of Unter den Linden. Probably there were demonstrations in other parts of Germany, but this much is certain, that the members of Catholic and Protestant Arbeiterverbände (Workmen's Societies) held meetings and demonstrated in favour of war. On the other hand the Women's Union of the German Peace Society in Stuttgart sent a telegram to the Kaiser, begging him in the name of "millions of German mothers" to preserve the peace.

The most interesting protest against the war movement is undoubtedly the following: "This, then, is the cultural height to which we have attained. Hundreds of thousands of the healthiest, finest, most valuable forces in the nation are trembling from anxiety that chance, or a nod of Europe's rulers, malevolence, or a fit of Sadism, a Caesar-madness or a business speculation, an empty word or a vague conception of honour, will drive them to-morrow out of their homes, from wife and child, from all that which they treasure and have built up with so much pain and trouble—into death. The mad coincidence may arise to-day, may call them to-morrow, or at any minute, and all, all of them will go—obeying damnable necessity, but still obeying. At first they will whine on seeing their bit of earthly happiness snatched away, but soon, however—although their consciences may not be quite clean—they will be possessed by the general frenzy to murder and be murdered." Franz Pfemfert in die Aktion.

Although this article appeared on August 1st, it had evidently been written before the proclamation of martial law. It was one of the last political articles which the paper published, for the next number but one contains the announcement that "the Aktion will in future only publish articles on art and literature." The reasons are not far to seek.

In justice to the pacifist elements it must be stated that they were up against bayonets. The only pity is that British public opinion, or any section of it, had been led to believe that it could ever have been otherwise. Austria had committed an unpardonable act of provocation, which at first reasonable opinion in Germany openly condemned. Simultaneously the German Government set in motion an avalanche of racial feeling to play off against the just and moderate measures taken by other powers to checkmate Austrian aggression. In addition to the racial hostility, which had been lashed into bitterness during the spring of 1914, came Germany's morbid conception of national and personal honour. Lastly the fear of a Russian invasion was astutely inoculated into the nation.

It is the author's firm conviction, and the military events in Poland and Galicia have only strengthened this opinion, that from the very beginning Germany could have prevented any Russian invasion of her territory, but she did not desire that end, but rather that the fear of Russia should complete the "Kriegsrausch" of the German nation. After frightening the people the Berlin Government struck its blow in the direction of their political ambitions—to the West, and after the Russians had been allowed to penetrate German territories they were hurled over the Eastern frontiers at the end of August. While the Kaiser was sending peaceful telegrams to Petrograd and Vienna, the Press was full of horrible pictures of Cossack barbarism and the dread terrors of the Russian knout, both of which—the public was led to believe—were about to strike Germany.

In this manner the Kaiser and his advisers created a national psychology which left open only two alternatives: the absolute humiliation of Russia and the consequent hegemony of Germany in Europe—or war.

CHAPTER II

Russia gave the world to understand by an official declaration, issued on Friday, July 24th, 1914, that she was not an indifferent, but a keenly interested spectator to the Austro-Serbian conflict. On the following day Russia's declaration was published in almost the entire German Press, and from that moment the same Press was flooded with all kinds of attacks directed against the Eastern neighbour. Russia was frankly told to mind her own business—the quarrel did not concern her.

The German public immediately accepted this point of view, so that every subsequent move on Russia's part appeared in the light of an unwarrantable offensive. Undoubtedly the Bismarckian tactics of publishing inspired articles in all parts of Germany were employed, and their colouring left no doubt on the public mind that the much-talked-of Slavonic danger had assumed an acute form.

A request on Russia's part, made on July 25th, that the space of time (forty-eight hours) allowed to Serbia for an answer should be extended, only increased popular irritation in the Germanic Empires. This irritation was accompanied by an unmistakable bellicose spirit which called forth its natural counterpart in Petrograd.

Nevertheless the fact remains that up till July 25th Russia had only asked for time, and the reply given by the Berlin mob (?) during the following night, was echoed throughout Germany. The view that Russia had no right to interest herself on behalf of