pieces and gauntlets of light chain-armour, to protect them while pulling down and unroofing houses, which is their especial duty. All have a regular fire costume, from the 'Oki Yaconin,' or 'head man,' to the bare-legged coolie, who carries the badge of the brigade in large red characters on his back. On arriving at a fire, a point de tête is selected—generally a house, on the roof of which the fire-charms are immediately fixed, as if to forbid its further advance. These charms (the circular white objects with black mouldings) have, of course, as little effect on one element as Canute's celebrated command had on another; but the people put such faith in their virtue that their presence is a powerful auxiliary in prescribing the limits of fires, which are rarely allowed to pass the bounds marked out by them. The firemen fight with the flames as they close on the charms, like men determined to stand by their colours to the last, rushing into the burning houses, pulling them down, and drenching the blazing thatch, with great courage and endurance. When, by thus putting their shoulder to the wheel, the fire is fairly subdued, they turn round and point exultingly to the martoe as the Hercules that has procured the result. On one occasion, at a fire in the village of Omura, adjoining Yokahama, the charms and their supporters were actually licked by the flames from the house opposite to that on which they were fixed, whose thatched roof was pulled off while in a state of rampant ignition by fire-coolies, who with bare hands, and no other protection than their saturated clothing, fought with the actual fire. One plucky fellow fell through the roof while thus employed, and, as the spectators still shuddered at his anticipated fate, rushed out apparently uninjured, and, re-ascending, resumed his fiery task with unabated vigour. Although the fire-charms were triumphant on this occasion, they did not escape unscorched, and several engines had to be kept in constant play upon them and their supporters, to prevent the one from ignition, and the other from being baked in their armour like crabs in their shells.

The engines in present use are made of wood, and, though simple, are efficient in damping the roofs of houses (which, being tiled with thin squares of wood, are very inflammable), putting out embers, and playing upon the firemen, who, as already indicated, prefer being stewed to being roasted. The Japanese, however, are thoroughly aware of the superiority of our engines, which will probably soon take the place of their own, as the people are singularly quick in availing themselves of anything useful.

The townspeople generally calculate on being burnt out once in every seven years, and whenever this calamity falls upon them, no time is lost in rebuilding. For instance, in December, 1864, a fragment of blazing wood, from a fire which destroyed the United Service Club at Yokohama, was blown across to the village of Omura before alluded to, which was half burnt down, greatly endangering the General Small-Pox Hospital and the huts of the Royal Marine Battalion in its rear. But early next morning, while the embers of the old houses were still smoking, new ones were in course of erection, and before night some of the industrious occupants were fairly roofed in afresh.²

CHAPTER III.

DOMESTIC LIFE.

It is impossible to mark the even and peaceable tenor of Japanese life, the politeness, industry, respect for superiors, and general air of cheerfulness and content, that pervades all classes, without admiration of the wise regulations which preserve such order amongst them as a people. Quarrels and blows are almost unknown in families; the husband is gentle, the wife exemplary and affectionate, and the children singularly obedient and reverent to their parents: yet 'Spare the rod and spoil the child' is a precept totally disregarded. The children are never beaten, nor do the parents allow themselves to lose their tempers in rebuking them, however great the provocation may be—one remarkable result of the complete self-abnegation inculcated by their social system.

A JAPANESE WEDDING

The relative position of father and son is very striking. From an early age the latter enjoys the entire confidence of the former, who not only treats him as a grown-up person, but frequently refers disputed matters to his arbitration, invariably abiding by his decision. Again, on a son's arriving at manhood, the parents often resign their property in his favour, relying on him, with a confidence rarely misplaced, for maintenance during the remainder of their lives; and so sacred is this trust considered, that in case of the son's demise it devolves indisputably on his wife and children. So far, what could be more promising? But, alas! like everything else, Japanese life has a dark side, and in this case it consists of a repulsive custom, which permits indigent parents to sell their daughters for a term of years into a state of bondage, for purposes of the most degrading nature. This possibility more than counterbalances all the brighter features of their domestic economy. Generally speaking, when young girls find themselves a burden to their parents, they seek employment in the tea-houses, where they are well looked after and instructed in various accomplishments, for which they serve a certain apprenticeship, and at its expiration generally marry, as girls so educated are eagerly sought after.

There are two forms of marriage, either of which is legally binding. One is a religious, and the other a civil contract, not very dissimilar from our marriage by the registrar, saving that the bride's parents sign for her. Whichever form is used, the parents receive a sum of money from the bridegroom; but in neither case is the husband supposed to see the face of his bride until all due formalities have been performed. The religious ceremony takes place in a temple: the pair, after listening to a lengthy harangue from one of the attendant priests, approach the altar, where large tapers are presented to them; the bride, instructed by the priest, lights her taper at the sacred censer on the altar, and the bridegroom, igniting his from hers, allows the two flames to combine, and burn steadily together, thus symbolizing the perfect unity of the marriage state; and this completes the ceremonial.

The illustration represents the private ratification of the civil contract, which is a simple form, by which the parties take upon themselves the respective duties of husband and wife. The veiled figure in white is the 'hanna-yomie,' or 'bride,' in the act of acknowledging the 'hanna-moko,' or 'bridegroom' (who sits opposite to her in an official dress), by partaking of the nuptial saki. This 'saki,' or 'wine,' is prepared by two intimate female friends of the bride, who first pour it into the gold and silver lacquer vessels on the stand, which respectively represent the husband and wife, and then, taking the vessels in hand, mix the contents in a cup, and deliver it to the 'shewarin,' or 'master of the ceremonies,' who hands it to the bride, and then to the bridegroom, and both partake of the contents, which act constitutes the marriage.