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قراءة كتاب Notes and Queries, Number 56, November 23, 1850
تنويه: تعرض هنا نبذة من اول ١٠ صفحات فقط من الكتاب الالكتروني، لقراءة الكتاب كاملا اضغط على الزر “اشتر الآن"
By what people were camels first brought into Gaul? By the Romans; by the Visigoths; or by the Franks themselves?
QUERIES.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL QUERIES.
(Continued from page 325.)
(13.) Is it not a grievous and calumnious charge against the principal libraries of England, Germany, and France, that not one of them contains a copy of the Florentine Pandects, in three folio
volumes, "magnifice, ac pereleganter, perque accurate impressis," as Fabricius speaks? (Bibl. Græc. xii: 363.) This statement, which may be but a libel, is found in Tilgner (Nov. lib. rar. Collect. Fascic. iv. 710.), Schelhorn (Amæn. Lit. iii. 428.), Vogt (Catal. p. 562. Hamb. 1738), and Solger (Biblioth. i 163.). According to the last writer, the edition in question, Florent. 1553, (for a fac-simile of the letters of the original MS. see Mabillon's Iter Italicum, p. 183.) is,—"splendidissima, et stupendæ raritatis, quæ in tanta est apud Eruditos æstimatione ut pro 100 Imperialibus sæpius divendita fuerit." Would that the race of such purchasers was not extinct! In Gibbon's notice of this impression (Decline and Fall, iv. 197. ed. Milman), there are two mistakes. He calls the editor "Taurellus" instead of Taurellius; and makes the date "1551", when it should have been 1553. These errors, however, are scarcely surprising in a sentence in which Antonius Augustinus is named "Antoninus." The Archbishop of Tarragona had received a still more exalted title in p. 193., for there he was styled "Antoninus Augustus." Are these the author's faults, or are they merely editorial embellishments?
(14.) In what year was the improved woodcut of the Prelum Ascensianum used for the first time? And has it been observed that the small and separated figures incised on the legs of this insigne of Jodocus Badius may sometimes be taken as a safe guide with reference to the exact date of the works in which this mark appears? As an argument serving to justify the occasional adoption of this criterion I would adduce the fact, that the earliest edition of Budæus De Contemptu Rerum fortuitarum is believed to have been printed in 1520 (Greswell's Parisian Greek Press, i. 39.), and this year is accordingly visible in the title-page on the print of the Prelum Ascensianum. That recourse must, however, be had with caution to this method of discovering a date, is manifest; from the circumstance, that 1521, or perhaps I should say an injured 1520, appears on the Badian Device in the third impression of the same treatise (the second with the expositio), though it was set forth "postridie Cal. April 1528."
(15.) Is it owing to the extreme rarity of copies of the first edition of the Pagninian version of the Scriptures that so many writers are perplexed and ignorant concerning it? One might have expected that such a very remarkable impression in all respects would have been so well known to Bishop Walton, that he could not have asserted (Proleg. v.) that it was published in 1523; and the same hallucination is perceptible in the Elenchus Scriptorum by Crowe (p. 4.) It is certain that Pope Leo X. directed that Pagnini's translation should be printed at his expense (Roscoe, ii. 282.), and the Diploma of Adrian VI. is dated "die, xj. Maij. M.D.XXIII.," but the labours of the eminent Dominican were not put forth until the 29th of January, 1527. This is the date in the colophon; and though "1528" is obvious on the title-page, the apparent variation may be accounted for by remembering the several ways of marking the commencement of the year. (Le Long, by Masch, ii. 475.; Chronol. of Hist., by Sir H. Nicolas, p. 40.) Chevillier informs us (Orig. de l'Imp. p. 143.) that the earliest Latin Bible, in which he had seen the verses distinguished by ciphers, was that of Robert Stephens in 1557. Clement (Biblioth. iv. 147.) takes notice of an impression issued two years previously; and these bibliographers have been followed by Greswell (Paris. G. P. i. 342. 390.). Were they all unacquainted with the antecedent exertions of Sante Pagnini (See Pettigrew's Bibl. Sussex. p. 388.)
(16.) Why should Panzer have thought that the true date of the editio princeps of Gregorius Turonensis and Ado Viennensis, comprised in the same small folio volume, was 1516? (Greswell, i. 35.) If he had said 1522, he might have had the assistance of a misprint in the colophon, in which "M.D.XXII." was inserted instead of M.D.XII.; but the royal privilege for the book is dated, "le douziesme iour de mars lan milcinqcens et onze," and the dedication of the works by Badius to Guil. Parvus ends with "Ad. XII Kalendas Decemb. Anni huius M.D.XII."
(17.) Who was the author of Peniteas cito? And is it not evident that the impression at Cologne by Martinus de Werdena, in 1511, is considerably later than that which is adorned on the title-page with a different woodcut, and which exhibits the following words proceeding from the teacher: "Accipies tanti doctoris dogmata sancta?"
DRYDEN'S "ESSAY UPON SATIRE."
On what evidence does the statement rest, that the Earl of Mulgrave was the author of the Essay upon Satire, and that Dryden merely corrected and polished it? As at present advised, I have considerable doubt upon the point: and although, in modern editions of Dryden's Works, I find it headed An Essay upon Satire, written by Mr. Dryden and the Earl of Mulgrave, yet in the State Poems, vol. i. p. 179., originally printed in the lifetime of Dryden, it is attributed solely to him—"An Essay upon Satyr. By J. Dryden, Esq." This gets rid of the assertion in the note of "D.," in the Aldine edition of Dryden (i. 105.), that "the Earl of Mulgrave's name has been always joined with Dryden's, as concerned in the composition." Was it not first published without notice that any other person was concerned in it but Dryden?
The internal evidence, too, is strong that Dryden was the author of it. I do not here refer to the
free, flexible, and idiomatic character of the versification, so exactly like that of Dryden; but principally to the description the Essay upon Satire contains of the Earl of Mulgrave himself, beginning,
"Mulgrave had much ado to scape the snare,
Though learn'd in those ill arts that cheat the fair;
For, after all, his vulgar marriage mocks,
With beauty dazzled Numps was in the stocks;"
And ending:
"Him no soft thoughts, no gratitude could move;
To gold he fled, from beauty and from love," &c.
Could Mulgrave have so written of himself; or could he have allowed Dryden to interpolate the character. Earlier in the poem we meet with a description of Shaftesbury, which cannot fail to call to mind Dryden's character of him in Absalom and Achitophel; which, as we know, did not make its appearance, even in its first shape, until two years after Dryden was cudgelled in Rose Street as the author of the Essay upon Satire. Everybody bears in mind the triplet,
"A fiery soul, which working out its way,
Fretted his pigmy body to decay,
And o'er-inform'd the tenement of clay;"
And what does Dryden (for it must be he who writes) say of Shaftesbury in the Essay upon Satire?
"As by our little Machiavel we find,
That nimblest creature of the busy kind:
His limbs are crippled, and his body shakes,
Yet his hard mind, which all


