seen and a great deal of labor saved in examination. A good rule in a case of this kind is to try and find some work done by other parties of a similar nature, and thereby ascertain what is needed and expected. Reasonable questions to ascertain, where records are to be found and the kind of records accessible, are always proper if made at the proper time without interrupting an immediate train of thought; and with such information as a start, if a young man will endeavor to imagine himself in a place like that of the one who has finally to decide, and try to ascertain just what information will probably be required, then patiently go to work to find and present it in condensed shape, he from that moment really begins to be useful and his services will be rapidly appreciated. It is a good rule always to keep the memoranda obtained in accomplishing a result of this kind; so that if further information is required, the whole investigation need not be made over.

This remark suggests another line of thought. Some young men with quick perceptions get in the way at school of trusting their memories, and omit making complete notes of lectures or of the various tests illustrating their studies. This carelessness follows them into after life, and there are instances where young men, who can make certain kinds of investigations much better than their fellows, and promptly give a statement of the general nature of the results, have, when called on afterward for the details, forgotten then entirely, and their notes and memoranda, if preserved, being of little use, the labor is entirely lost. Such men necessarily have to learn more careful ways in after life. It is a good rule in this, as in the previous case, to make and copy complete records of everything in such shape that they may be convenient for reference and criticism afterward.

One of the important problems with which you will have to deal in the future is the labor question, and it is probable that your very first experience with it may be in direct antagonism with the opinions of many with whom you have heretofore been associated. It is an honor to the feelings of those who stand outside and witness this so-called struggle now in progress between capital and labor, that they believe the whole question can be settled by kindly treatment and reasonable argument. There are some cases that will yield to such treatment, and one's whole duty is not performed till all possible, reasonable, and humanitarian methods are adopted. There has been an excuse for the organization of labor, and it, to some small extent, still exists.

Time was that the surplus of unskilled labor was used on a mercantile basis to reduce wages to such an extent that it was almost impossible to rear a well nurtured, much less a well educated and well dressed family, and, moreover, the hours of labor in some branches of business were so long as to shorten the lives of operatives and make self-improvement impossible. The natural progress of civilizing influence did much to abate many of these evils, but the organization of labor removed sores that had not and perhaps could not have been reached in other ways. Having then an excuse for organization, and supported by the success made in directions where public sympathy was with them, is it to be wondered that they have gone too far in very many cases, and that the leadership of such organization has in many instances been captured by designing men, who control the masses to accomplish selfish ends? Whatever may have been the method of evolution, it is certain that the manufacturing operations of the present day have to meet with elements entirely antagonistic to their interests, and in very many ways antagonistic to the interests of the workingman. The members of many organizations, even of intelligent men, are blindly led by chiefs of various titles, of which perhaps the walking delegate is the most offensive one to reasonable people. This class of men claim the right to intrude themselves into the establishments owned by others, and on the most trivial grounds make demands more or less unreasonable, and order strikes and otherwise interfere with the work of manufacturers, much in the way that we have an idea that the agents of the barbarbous chieftains, feudal lords, and semi-civilized rulers collected taxes and laid burdens in earlier historical times. Necessarily these men must use their power so as to insure its permanency. If strikes are popular, strikes must be ordered. If funds run low, excuses for strikes, it is believed, in many cases are sought, so as to stir the pulses of those who sympathize with the labor cause.

Co-operation has been suggested as a cure for the evil, and there are cases where it has apparently succeeded, in connection with the earlier forms of labor organization. The ambition of later labor leaders almost prevents this remedy being of effect. It may be possible still with very intelligent workmen, isolated from the large mass of workmen in the country towns, to feel an interest in co-operation; but such inducements, or the higher ones of personal kindness to employes or their families, are not of much effect in large manufacturing centers. As soon as dissatisfaction exists in one mill or manufactory, all similar employes are ordered out. The final result will be that combinations of employers must follow the combination of employes, and those who have always been strong in the past will be stronger in the future, as has appeared to be the case in many contests that have already taken place. If there are any real abuses of power by the employers, such as requiring work for unusual hours or at less than living rates, the first thing to do is to correct these abuses, so that complaints will not be upon a sound foundation. Some men, when the labor epidemic strikes their places, have sufficient force of character and influence with their men to avert the blow for some time. Others find it is policy to compromise with the representatives until a plan of action, conciliatory, offensive, or defensive, can be determined upon. The whole matter must be considered one of policy rather than of principles. The class of men to be dealt with do not talk principles except as an excuse to secure their ends.

In spite of everything, there will be times when no compromise is possible and you will be called upon to take part in defending your employers' interests against what is called a "strike." You can do so with heart when you know the employes are all well paid, and particularly, as is frequently the case, when the labor organizers and walking delegates claim that some old, tried foreman shall be dismissed because they do like him, really because he has not been a tool in carrying out their plans, and they defiantly acknowledge that their war is against non-union labor, and that they have organized your men and forced a strike to require your establishment to become as it is called a "union shop." If your deluded employes were permitted simply to go away and let you alone, and you were permitted to employ others at the reasonable wages you were paying, the problem would be a simple one. The principal labor organizations claim that everything they do is by peaceable methods, but this, like many things said, is simply to deceive, for if you attempt to employ other assistants and carry on your business independently, you will surely find that well known roughs are assembled who never do anything without they are paid for it by somebody, that your men are assaulted by such persons, and while the labor organizers talk about peaceable methods and urge them aloud in public, in case one of the roughs is arrested, the loud talkers are the first to go bail for the defender, and you will feel morally sure that the sympathizing crowd with the roughs who make the assaults are all part of or tools of the organization.

At such times, you will find your old employes standing around the street corners, persuading other men not to go to work and thus interfere with what are called the true interests of labor. Any new employe who has to go in