قراءة كتاب History of Egypt, Chaldæa, Syria, Babylonia, and Assyria, Volume 8 (of 12)

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History of Egypt, Chaldæa, Syria, Babylonia, and Assyria, Volume 8 (of 12)

History of Egypt, Chaldæa, Syria, Babylonia, and Assyria, Volume 8 (of 12)

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دار النشر: Project Gutenberg
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href="@public@vhost@g@gutenberg@html@files@17328@[email protected]#linkCimage-0058" class="pginternal" tag="{http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml}a">456.jpg City Defended by a Triple Wall

457.jpg Probable Section of the Triple Wall Of Babylon

458.jpg Fragment of a Babylonian Bas-relief

459.jpg Ruins of the ZiggurÂt Of The Temple Of Bel

460.jpg the Stone Lion of Babylon







CHAPTER I—SENNACHERIB (705-681 B.C.)

The struggle of Sennacherib with Judæa and Egypt—Destruction of Babylon.

Sennacherib either failed to inherit his father's good fortune, or lacked his ability.* He was not deficient in military genius, nor in the energy necessary to withstand the various enemies who rose against him at widely removed points of his frontier, but he had neither the adaptability of character nor the delicate tact required to manage successfully the heterogeneous elements combined under his sway.

     * The two principal documents for the reign of Sennacherib
     are engraved on cylinders: the Taylor Cylinder and the
     Bellino Cylinder, duplicates of which, more or less perfect,
     exist in the collections of the British Museum. The Taylor
     Cylinder, found at Kouyunjik or Usebi-Yunus, contains the
     history or the first eight years of this reign; the Bellino
     Cylinder treats of the two first years of the reign.

He lacked the wisdom to conciliate the vanquished, or opportunely to check his own repressive measures; he destroyed towns, massacred entire tribes, and laid whole tracts of country waste, and by failing to repeople these with captive exiles from other nations, or to import colonists in sufficient numbers, he found himself towards the end of his reign ruling over a sparsely inhabited desert where his father had bequeathed to him flourishing provinces and populous cities. His was the system of the first Assyrian conquerors, Shalmaneser III. and Assur-nazir-pal, substituted for that of Tiglath-pileser III. and Sargon. The assimilation of the conquered peoples to their conquerors was retarded, tribute was no longer paid regularly, and the loss of revenue under this head was not compensated by the uncertain increase in the spoils obtained by war; the recruiting of the army, rendered more difficult by the depopulation of revolted districts, weighed heavier still on those which remained faithful, and began, as in former times, to exhaust the nation. The news of Sargon's murder, published throughout the Eastern world, had rekindled hope in the countries recently subjugated by Assyria, as well as in those hostile to her. Phoenicia, Egypt, Media, and Elam roused themselves from their lethargy and anxiously awaited the turn which events should take at Nineveh and Babylon. Sennacherib did not consider it to his interest to assume the crown of Chaldæa, and to treat on a footing of absolute equality a country which had been subdued by force of arms: he relegated it to the rank of a vassal state, and while reserving the suzerainty for himself, sent thither one of his brothers to rule as king.*

     * The events which took place at Babylon at the beginning of
     Sennacherib's reign are known to us from the fragments of
     Berosus, compared with the Canon of Ptolemy and Pinches'
     Babylonian Canon. The first interregnum in the Canon of
     Ptolemy (704-702 B.C.) is filled in Pinches' Canon by three
     kings who are said to have reigned as follows: Sennacherib,
     two years; Marduk-zâkir-shumu, one month; Merodach-baladan,
     nine months. Berosus substitutes for Sennacherib one of his
     brothers, whose name apparently he did not know; and this is
     the version I have adopted, in agreement with most modern
     historians, as best tallying with the evident lack of
     affection for Babylon displayed by Sennacherib throughout
     his reign.

The Babylonians were indignant at this slight. Accustomed to see their foreign ruler conform to their national customs, take the hands of Bel, and assume or receive from them a new throne-name, they could not resign themselves to descend to the level of mere tributaries: in less than two years they rebelled, assassinated the king who had been imposed upon them, and proclaimed in his stead Marduk-zâkir-shumu,* who was merely the son of a female slave (704 B.C.).

     * The servile origin of this personage is indicated in
     Pinches' Babylonian Canon; he might, however, be connected
     through his father with a princely, or even a royal, family,
     and thereby be in a position to win popular support. Among
     modern Assyriologists, some suppose that the name Akises in
     Berosus is a corruption of [Marduk-]zâkir[shumu]; others
     consider Akises-Akishu as being the personal name of the
     king, and Marduk-zâkir-shumu his throne-name.

This was the signal for a general insurrection in Chaldæa and the eastern part of the empire. Merodach-baladan, who had remained in hiding in the valleys on the Elamite frontier since his defeat in 709 B.C., suddenly issued forth with his adherents, and marched at once to Babylon; the very news of his approach caused a sedition, in the midst of which Marduk-zâkir-shumu perished, after having reigned for only one month. Merodach-baladan re-entered his former capital, and as soon as he was once more seated on the throne, he endeavoured to form alliances with all the princes, both small and great, who might create a diversion in his favour. His envoys obtained promises of help from Elam; other emissaries hastened to Syria to solicit the alliance of Hezekiah, and might have even proceeded to Egypt if their sovereign's good fortune had lasted long enough.* But Sennacherib did not waste his opportunities in lengthy-preparations.

     * 2 Kings xx. 12-19; Isa. xxxix. The embassy to Hezekiah has
     been assigned to the first reign of Merodach-baladan, under
     Sargon. In accordance with the information obtained from the
     Assyrian monuments, it seems to me that it could only have
     taken place during his second reign, in 703 B.C.

The magnificent army left by Sargon was at his disposal, and summoning it at once into the field, he advanced on the town of Kîsh, where the Kaldâ monarch was entrenched with his Aramæan forces and the Elamite auxiliaries furnished by Shutruk-nakhunta. The battle issued in the complete rout of the confederate forces. Merodach-baladan fled almost unattended, first to Guzum-manu, and then to the marshes of the Tigris, where he found a temporary refuge; the troops who were despatched in pursuit followed him for five days, and then, having failed to secure the fugitive, gave up the search.*

     * The detail is furnished by the Bellino Cylinder. Berosus
     affirmed that

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