of Women's Labour.
6. Factors enlarging the scope of Women's Wage-work.
7. "Minimum Wage" lower for Women—Her Labour often subsidised from other sources.
8. Woman's Contribution to the Family Wages—Effect of Woman's Work upon Man's Wages.
9. Tendency of Woman's Wage to low uniform level.
10. Custom and Competition as determinants of Low Wages.
11. Lack of Organisation among Women—Effect on Wages.
12. Over-supply of Labour in Women's Employments the root-evil.
13. Low Wages the chief cause of alleged Low "Value" of Woman's Work.
14. Industrial Position of Woman analogous to that of Low-skilled Men.
15. Damage to Home-life arising from Women's Wage-work.

  CHAPTER XIII. MACHINERY AND THE MODERN TOWN 324   1. The Modern Industrial Town as a Machine-product.
2. Growth of Town as compared with Rural Population in the Old and New Worlds.
3. Limits imposed upon the Townward Movement by the Economic Conditions of World-industry.
4. Effect of increasing Town-life upon Mortality.
5. The impaired quality of Physical Life in Towns.
6. The Intellectual Education of Town-life.
7. The Moral Education of Town-life.
8. Economic Forces making for Decentralisation.
9. Desirability of Public Control of Transport Services to effect Decentralisation.
10. Long Hours and Insecurity of Work as Obstacles to Reforms.
11. The Principle of Internal Reform of Town-life.   CHAPTER XIV. CIVILISATION AND INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT 350   1. Imperfect Adjustment of Industrial Structure to its Environment.
2. Reform upon the Basis of Private Enterprise and Free Trade.
3. Freedom and Transparency of Industry powerless to cure the deeper Industrial Maladies.
4. Beginnings of Public Control of Machine-production.
5. Passage of Industries into a public Non-competitive Condition.
6. The raison d'être of Progressive Collectivism.
7. Collectivism follows the line of Monopoly.
8. Cases of "Arrested Development:" the Sweating Trades.
9. Retardation of rate of Progress in Collective Industries.
10. Will Official Machine-work absorb an Increasing Proportion of Energy?
11. Improved Quality of Consumption the Condition of Social Progress.
12. The Highest Division of Labour between Machinery and Art.
13. Qualitative Consumption defeats the Law of Decreasing Returns.
14. Freedom of Art from Limitations of Matter.
15. Machinery and Art in production of Intellectual Wealth.
16. Reformed Consumption abolishes Anti-Social Competition.
17. Life itself must become Qualitative.
18. Organic Relations between Production and Consumption.
19. Summary of Progress towards a Coherent Industrial Organism. INDEX 385

---

THE EVOLUTION OF MODERN CAPITALISM.

---

THE EVOLUTION
OF MODERN CAPITALISM.

CHAPTER I.ToC

INTRODUCTION.

§ 1. Science is ever becoming more and more historical in the sense that it becomes more studiously anxious to show that the laws or principles with whose exposition it is concerned not merely are rightly derived from observation of phenomena but cover the whole range of these phenomena in the explanation they afford. So likewise History is ever becoming more scientific in the sense that facts or phenomena are so ordered in their setting as to give prominence to the ideas or principles which appear to relate them and of which they are the outward expression. Thus the old sharp line, of distinction has slipped away, and we see there is no ultimate barrier between a study of facts and a study of the laws or principles which dominate these facts. In this way the severance of History and Science becomes less logically justifiable. Yet it is still convenient that we should say of one branch of study that it is historical in the sense that it is directly and consciously engaged in the collection and clear expression of facts or phenomena as they stand objectively in place or time without any conscious reference to the laws which relate or explain them; of another branch of study that it is scientific because it is engaged in the discovery, formulation, and correct expression of the laws according to which facts are related, without affecting to give a full presentment of those facts. The treatment in this book belongs in this sense to economic science rather than to industrial history as being an endeavour to discover and interpret the laws of the movement of industrial forces during the period of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

It cannot, however, be pretended that any high degree of exactitude can attach to such a scientific study.

Two chief difficulties beset any attempt to explain industrial phenomena by tracing the laws of the action of the forces manifested in them. The first is that only a limited proportion of the phenomena which at any given time constitute Industry are clearly and definitely ascertainable, and it may always be possible that the laws which satisfactorily explain the statical and dynamical relations of these may be subordinate or even counteracting forces of larger movements whose dominance would appear if all parts of the industrial whole were equally known.

The second difficulty, closely related to the first, is the inherent complexity of Industry, the continual and close interaction of a number of phenomena whose exact size and relative importance is continually shifting and baffles the keenest observer.

These difficulties, common to all sciences, are enhanced in sociological sciences by the impossibility of adequate experiment in specially prepared environments.

The degree of exactitude attainable in industrial sciences may thus appear to be limited by the development of statistical inquiry. Since the collection of accurate statistics, even on those matters which are most important, and which lend themselves most easily to statistical description, is a modern acquirement which has not yet widely spread over the whole world, while the capacity for classifying and making right use of statistics is