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قراءة كتاب A Historic Sketch, Lest We Forget Company "E," 26th Ohio Infantry in the War for the Union, 1861-65

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A Historic Sketch, Lest We Forget Company "E," 26th Ohio Infantry in the War for the Union, 1861-65

A Historic Sketch, Lest We Forget Company "E," 26th Ohio Infantry in the War for the Union, 1861-65

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دار النشر: Project Gutenberg
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wounded were: First Lieutenant Francis M. Williams, First Sergeant William H. Green, Sergeant Silas Stucky, Corporal Luther Reed, and Privates Moses Aller, William Calvert, John Blaine, James R. Goodman, Charles A. R. Kline, Samuel Neiswander, Emanuel W. Stahler and Robert W. Stonestreet. The wounded were: Corporal James W. Clifton, Privates William H. H. Geyer, Henry C. Latham, McDonald Lottridge, Joseph L. Rue, Henry Stovenour, Adelphus E. Stewart and Isaiah Sipes.

Others in the company were painfully wounded, but are not included in the list, as they remained and continued doing duty. Only one, William H. H. Geyer, recovered sufficiently during the remainder of his enlistment to rejoin the company for duty. Of the killed, by examining the “Roster of Ohio Soldiers” (published by the State of Ohio), you will find four, viz.: Silas Stucky, Moses Aller, John Blaine and Emanuel W. Stahler, reported missing. This is misleading. Kindly remember that the temporary truce was formed that night soon after the heavy fighting ceased and we closed our thinned column to right. We were nearly a quarter of a mile south of where our terrible losses had occurred and but few men were permitted to leave the line. Our band boys, who usually cared for the wounded, had lost, killed and wounded, nine of their number. They were largely Sheridan’s men, strangers to us, who gathered up our wounded, placed them in ambulances and sent them to the Crawfish Spring field hospital, which fell into the enemies hands the following day, and we saw that part of the Vineyard Farm no more for several months. McDonald Lottridge, who on account of wounds never rejoined his company, saw Moses Aller fall and was satisfied from his actions that he was shot in the head. Joseph Williams of Company K, (a brother of Lieutenant Francis Williams of our company), while lying wounded in a fence corner by the side of John Blaine, adjusted a knapsack under Blaine’s head, and says he: “Blaine was shot through the breast,” and could have lived but a short time. Members of the regimental band, whose duty it was to gather up the wounded, claim to have seen the bodies of Silas Stucky and Emanuel W. Stahler dead upon the field. These four men of the company are reported to be missing in the “Roster of Ohio Soldiers.” Neither of them has been heard of since the battle, hence there can be no doubt that they were numbered with the slain. In 1861, while in Virginia, a man of the regiment returned from a hospital at Charleston and reported that James D. Dickerson of company E had died. The officers dropped his name from the records. He (Dickerson) soon after reported for duty and his name was replaced on the records. This incident aids in explaining why their names appear among the missing. A large per cent of the Union dead remained unburied until we came in possession of the battlefield after the battle of Chattanooga or until about December 1st. Two brigades of our army were sent to the fields for that purpose. The following day, September 1st, we were in the regular line of battle on Missionary Ridge, north of Roseville Gap, and offered battle to the enemy. During the night we formed a line of battle closer to Chattanooga, the flanks touching the Tennessee River, above and below. Our position was at Fort Wood, which we aided in building, due east of the town.

In the reorganization of the army, the 20th and 21st army corps were practically consolidated and formed the 4th corps. In this organization we became part of the 2nd brigade, commanded by General Geo. D. Wagner, 2nd division commanded by Major General P. H. Sheridan. Our regiment was taken out of the line of battle and camped in the town and heavy details made from it to guard the supply trains to Bridgeport, Ala., and return. It was our understanding at the time that we were to be detached from the brigade and become a part of the local garrison. We having been the first to occupy and patrol the place, we felt that it was due us, and having been so fearfully mangled at Chickamauga it would give time to partially recuperate, but Sheridan objected, stating that such regiments, full of experience, could not be spared from the front, and we were soon doing picket duty. No supplies could be furnished by the country to which we had access. The road traveled to bring them was a mountainous one and sixty miles to railroad. The mules were shortly fed and heavily worked. The rainy season opened and our rations grew less and less until a half ration was issued to the men. Bacon was not issued, but fresh beef was used in its place. The cattle were driven from the Ohio river, a distance of near 400 miles, and grazing in the mountainous country was not well calculated to produce fat. Hence we got the expression, which originated at Chattanooga during the siege, “beef dried on the hoof.” This was the situation when General Thomas telegraphed Grant: “We can hold the place till we starve.” Over ten thousand horses and mules died during the siege and those that survived were in no condition for service.

October 27th, by a brilliant movement, Thomas at Chattanooga and Hooker at Bridgeport Co-operating, we gained possession of the river from Brows Ferry west, giving us water transportation to within nine or ten miles, and in a few days the soldiers were on full rations. The horses and mules did not fare so well. Bragg’s army largely outnumbered that of General Thomas, for, be it understood, his (Bragg’s) army of the Tennessee had, before the battle of Chickamauga, been reinforced by Buckner’s army of East Tennessee. Two divisions of Joe Johnson’s army of Mississippi and Longstreet’s entire corps from Lee’s army of Virginia and also a large per cent of the parolled prisoners from Vicksburg had joined him. Hooker, with 15,000 from the Potomac army, had partially joined us and we were expecting Sherman with 20,000 to arrive soon. Activity with us commenced, indicating an offensive movement. We had been under the fire of the enemy’s guns since September 19th. Sherman was delayed by heavy rains and high waters. Under Grant’s instructions Thomas ordered the two divisions of the 4th corps, Sheridan and Wood, to advance and drive the enemy from their outer line and capture Orchard Knob. This movement was made about 3 p. m. November 23d, and was the opening of the battle of Chattanooga. Our losses were nearly two hundred, mostly from Wood’s division, none from company E. We occupied our new position three-eighths of a mile south of Orchard Knob, one mile west and in plain view of the enemy’s line of works at top and foot of Missionary Ridge, and were under the fire of their field and siege artillery during the 24th, listening to and watching Hooker’s fight above the clouds on Lookout Mountain, and remained in this position on the 25th, watching Sherman’s battle at the north end of Missionary Ridge until 3 p. m. or perhaps later. Between our position and the ridge was a plain, partly open and part timber, most of the timber having been recently cut by the Confederates. All the fences were gone. Missionary Ridge lies nearly north and south and extends from the Tennessee River at the north many miles south. Its average elevation is 600 feet above the plain and the distance from base to summit near one-fourth of a mile. About 2 p. m. each man was notified that when six shots were fired in regular succession from the artillery on Orchard Knob we were to move forward in order, keeping well our alignment, and take the Confederate works at the foot of the ridge. A tiresome wait of one or two hours followed. The men’s faces became pale, but firm pressure of the lips showed the determination. The time passed slowly, for the mental strain

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