Bart.

Board of Control Right Hon. Sir C. Wood, Bart. Secretary at War Right Hon. Sidney Herbert. First Commissioner of Works, &c. Right Hon. Sir W. Molesworth, Bart. Without Office Lord John Russell Without Office Marquess of Lansdowne.

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POLITICAL SUMMARY.

The unjust demands of the Emperor of Russia on the Ottoman Porte, and his subsequent occupation of the Danubian Principalities, occupied the earnest attention of the Parliament and the people throughout the year, and was the occasion of much inquiry and discussion.

We cannot do better than add a summary of Lord John Russell's Speech, towards the close of the Session, in explanation of the position of affairs:—

"When he entered office, he said, his attention was called to the question of the Holy Places; and he instructed Lord Cowley, at Paris, to give the subject his earnest attention. Soon after he, Lord John Russell, learned that a special Russian Minister would be sent to the Sultan, to put an end, by some solemn act, to the differences that existed with regard to the Holy Places. He did not object to that; and Prince Menschikoff arrived at Constantinople on the 2nd of March. From this point, Lord John Russell went over the subsequent events—the resignation of Fuad Effendi; the message of Colonel Rose To Admiral Dundas, sent at the request of the Grand Vizier, and subsequently retracted; and the notification by the Turkish Ministers to Lord Stratford, in April, that certain propositions had been made to them to which they were unwilling to accede. 'I should say,' continued he, 'that up to this time the Government of Her Majesty at home, and Her Majesty's Minister at St. Petersburg, had always understood that the demands to be made by Russia had reference to the Holy Places; and were all comprised, in one form or another, in the desire to render certain and permanent the advantages to which Russia thought herself entitled in favour of persons professing the Greek religion. Lord Stratford understood from the Turkish Ministers, that it had been much desired by the Russian Ambassador that the requests which were made on the part of Russia should be withheld from the knowledge of the representatives of the other Powers of Europe; and these fresh demands were as new to the Government of France as they were to the Government of Her Majesty.' The propositions were changed from time to time, until Prince Menschikoff gave in his ultimatum, and left Constantinople. 'I consider that this circumstance was one very greatly to be regretted. It has always appeared to me, that, on the one side and the other, there were statements that would be admitted, while there were others that might be the subject of compromise and arrangement. The Russian Minister maintained that Russia had, by certain treaties (especially by the treaties of Kainardji and Adrianople) the right to expect that the Christians in the Turkish territory would be protected; and he declared at the same time, that Russia did not wish in any manner to injure the independence or integrity of the Turkish Empire. The Sultan's Ministers, on their part, maintained that it was their duty, above all things, to uphold the independence of the Sultan, and to require that nothing should be acceded to which would be injurious to his dignity or would derogate from his rights; but at the same time, they declared that it was the intention of the Sultan to protect his Christian subjects, and to maintain them in the rights and privileges which they had enjoyed under the edicts of former Sultans. Such being the statements on the two sides, I own it appears to me that the withdrawal of the Russian mission from Constantinople, accompanied as that measure was by the preparation of a large Russian force, both military and naval, on the frontiers of Turkey, was a most unfortunate step, and has naturally caused very great alarm to Europe, while it has imposed great sacrifices both upon Turkey and upon the Turkish provinces adjoining Russia.' These appearances became so serious that the fleet was ordered to approach the Dardanelles; the French fleet advanced at the same time; and the Russians entered the Principalities. This, Turkey had an undoubted right to consider a casus belli; but France and England induced the Sultan to forego that right, thinking it desirable to gather up the broken threads of negotiation, and strive for some arrangement for maintaining peace. The French Minister for Foreign Affairs—'a gentleman whose talents, moderation, and judgment it is impossible too greatly to admire'—drew up a note, omitting what was objectionable on both sides. The Austrian Government, which had previously declined to enter on a conference, changed its views when the Russians occupied the Principalities, and Count Buol took the proposal of M. Drouyn de Lhuys as a basis for a note. This note was agreed to by the Four Powers; and the Emperor of Russia had accepted it, considering that his honour would be saved, and his objects attained, if that note was signed by the Turkish Minister.

"Supposing that note 'to be finally agreed upon by Russia and Turkey as the communication which shall be made by Turkey, there will still remain the question of the evacuation of the Principalities. It is quite evident, Sir, that no settlement can be satisfactory which does not include or immediately lead to the evacuation of those Principalities. (Cheers.) According to the declaration which has been made by the General commanding the Russian Forces, Prince Gortschakoff, the evacuation ought immediately to follow on the satisfaction obtained by Turkey from the Emperor of Russia. I will only say further, that it is an object which Her Majesty's Government consider to be essential: but with respect to the mode in which the object is to be obtained—with respect to the mode in which the end is to be secured—I ask the permission of Parliament to say nothing further upon this head, but to leave the means—the end being one which is certain to be obtained—to leave the means by which it is to be obtained in the Executive Government. With respect to the question which has been raised as to the fleets of England and France at Besika Bay, that of course need not be made any question of difficulty, because, supposing Turkey were in danger, we ought to have the power at all times of sending our fleets to the neighbourhood of the Dardanelles to be ready to assist Turkey in case of any such danger, and we ought not to consent to any arrangement by which it may be stipulated that the advance of the fleets to the neighbourhood of the Dardanelles should be considered as equivalent to an actual invasion of the Turkish territories. But, of course, if the matter is settled—if peace is secured, Besika Bay is not a station which would be of any advantage either to England or France.'

"In conclusion he said, he thought we had now a fair prospect, without involving Europe in hostilities, or exposing the independence and integrity of Turkey, that the object in view would be secured in no very long space of time. 'I will only say further, that this question of the maintenance of Turkey is one that must