with their trade and with commerce in general, is universally allowed, that is properly qualified for such an arduous task.

Thus have I shewn that the interest of both parties, of England and America, is best promoted by adhering religiously to the ancient system; that a claim of new privileges by the Americans, for they have been taxed before by our parliament, will be attended with many immediate disadvantages, and that the remote consequence will be their own ruin and slavery.

But if, after all, the prejudices of the Americans should be so great as to make them reject all reasonable terms of accommodation, should they be so tenacious of what they call their privileges, as to be fully resolved on asserting an absolute independence on the parliament of Great Britain. Should they be determined, rather than yield to it as formerly, to proceed to the last extremity, I would, with all due deference to the wisdom of parliament, advise a certain number of contiguous provinces to be incorporated, and to be allowed parliaments under the same restriction as that of Ireland.

If they decline this equitable compromise, were I a member of either House, I would give my vote for treating them as the Romans did the Latins, when they attempted by force to make themselves denizens of Rome. This step, I own, is dangerous, and very delicate in its management, but in such a crisis, it is the only one which can, with any dignity and prudence, be taken.

Though the partizans of America, in order to throw dust in our eyes, and erect a bug-bear to the ignorant, insinuate that the colonies would, in this extremity, follow the example of the Low Countries under Philip the Second, and call in the assistance of France and Spain. There is little reason to be apprehensive on that score; for the case is by no means parrellel: the Flemings and Dutch contended for ancient established rights, which had been allowed such by their oppressors themselves; the Americans assert privileges unknown, unheard of before; the Spaniards were strangers and foreigners to the inhabitants of the Low Countries; the Britons are brothers and relations to the Americans; the seventeen provinces were cruelly oppressed by the king of Spain, and a few of his counsellors; the colonies are moderately taxed by the whole body of the British legislature. Is it credible then, that, in order to free themselves from the gentle tutorage of their parent, they should run directly into the jaws of ruin and slavery? It is more probable that, when they hear of the final determination of this point against them by our parliament, the weight and authority of that body, the most august in the world, will make them sit down, like the Cyder counties, quiet under their burden.

But should they be so far infatuated as to act otherwise, it is in our power to prevent any fatal consequence; the British fleet can soon bring them to reason; all their capital towns lie defenceless on the edge of the shore, and must always obey the dictates of the tremendous mouths of cannon. This, however, is the last argument which ought to be used; for it is always of consequence to preserve the affections of subjects, to rule them by love rather than fear: nothing but the utmost contumacy, of which, I trust in Heaven, they will never be guilty, can justify such a violent measure.

FINIS.

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An Authentic Collection of the SPEECHES and DEBATES in the British House of Commons from the Year 1742, to the Peace of