crowded with peasants, out of whose abject poverty the necessary funds for its support have to be wrung. He may be excused if his notions of fair play, equal rights, and political loyalty, are somewhat indistinct, and that where the law is from the outset a manifest wrong-doer, it should be sometimes superseded by rougher and more effective expedients. He is naturally a rebel, because the state proclaims herself his enemy. He naturally thinks it monstrous that any proprietor of the soil should have it in his power to refuse the inhabitants a spot of ground on which to celebrate their religious rites; that men, women, and children should be obliged to walk five, six, and even ten miles to the nearest place of worship; that education should be constantly refused, except coupled with open and systematic proselytism; that terrorism and coercion, the mean contrivances of bigotry, should be suffered to do their worst, without the strong hand of government intervening to lighten the blow, or provide means of protection"—pages 28, 29.

All this is well said: nor is the author less happy in his description of the tyrannising temper which it fosters on the part of the Protestants.

"And if the Establishment works ill as regards the Catholic masses, its effects on the privileged minority seem to us scarcely less disastrous. It engenders a tone of arrogant, violent, uncharitable bigotry, which happily is unknown in this country beyond the precincts of Exeter Hall and the columns of the 'religious' newspapers. Indeed, we have only to turn to 'Good News from Ireland', to assure ourselves of the detestable temper in which these modern Reformers set about the process of evangelisation, and of the extraordinary hardihood of assertion by which their ministrations are characterised. The creed of an Irish peasant may be superstitious—where is the peasant whose creed is anything else?—but religion in Ireland has at any rate, in the true spirit of Christianity, found its way to the wretched, the degraded, the despairing: it has refined, comforted, ennobled those whom external circumstances seemed expressly designed to crush them into absolute brutality. The Irish peasant is never the mere animal that for centuries English legislators tried to make him. He is a troublesome subject, indeed, and has a code of his own as to the 'wild justice' to which the oppressed may, in the last instance, resort; but in the domestic virtues, chastity, kindliness, hospitality, he stands, at least, as well as English or Scotch of the same condition in life. As regards domestic purity, indeed, Ireland, by universal confession, rises as much above the ordinary standard as Scotland falls below it: and as regards intemperance, there has been in Ireland of late years a marked improvement, for which unhappily no counterpart is to be found in any other part of the United Kingdom. Yet we are gravely invited to believe, on the testimony of a few hot-brained fanatics, that the whole Catholic system in Ireland is one vast conspiracy against piety, happiness, and civilisation....

"That Protestants are perfectly well aware of the mortification entailed upon their Catholic fellow-subjects by the existing state of things, and regard it with complacent acquiescence, is not the least painful feature of the case. The Irish Church is bad, not only in itself, but as being the last of a long series of oppressions which fear, passion, or necessity have at various times led the English to inflict upon their feeble neighbour. There have been periods when the deliberate idea of even intelligent politicians was, that the one population should exterminate the other; and Burke has pointed out how the religious animosities, which seem now the great cause of dispute, are in reality only a new phase of far earlier hostility, grounded originally on conquest, and strengthened by the cruelties which conquest involved. It is to some such fierce mood, traditionally familiar to the ruling race, that an institution so unjust in principle, so troublesome in practice, so incurably barren of all useful result, can appeal for sanction and support. The blind and almost ferocious bigotry of Irish Presbyterians is owing, one would fain hope, less to personal temperament than to the tastes and convictions of a ruder age, embodied in evil customs and a conventionally violent phraseology. And the same is more or less true of their Episcopalian brethren. It is from the calmer feelings and more discriminating judgment of the English nation that any remedial measure is expected"—pages 33-37.

We have nothing to add to this. Every Catholic will recognize the truth of the picture thus ably drawn. Our obligations to Mr. Cunningham do not, however, end here. There is still another lesson which, although he does not mean to teach it, we are glad to learn from him. It is this. Speaking of the paid clergy of the Establishment, he says:—

"So far from assisting the government in its schemes, they are among its bitterest opponents. Dr. Cullen himself is hardly more hostile to the National Education System than these paid officials of the state, for whom the one possible excuse would be an unflinching support of state measures. The Church Education Society numbers something like two-thirds of the Established clergy among its adherents, and is one of the most serious difficulties with which at present the cause of National Education has to contend. What shall be done with these spaniels that forget to cringe, but bark and snap at the hand that feeds them? Might they not, at any rate, be scourged and starved into a more submissive mood?"—page 43.

These words reveal to us the position which men of the world would expect a clergy paid by the state to assume towards the state. From being ministers of God, they are to become paid officials of the state; from being the stewards of things divine, they are to recommend themselves to their masters by an unflinching support of the state measures. And if conscience should at any time call upon them to refuse the support demanded at their hands, the government has the power and the will to scourge and starve them into a more submissive mood. What a practical commentary does Mr. Cunningham here offer on the words used by Mgr. Brancadoro,[C] in declining the pension offered by the British Government in 1805! Better, far better, poverty with the liberty of the sanctuary, than rich endowments with slavery. We demand the abolition of the Establishment on the broad grounds of social equality and justice, and not because we wish to enrich ourselves with its spoils. We are rich enough in the love of that noble Irish race, than which none other ever gave more blessed consolation to the ministers of Christ.