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قراءة كتاب The Reconstruction of Georgia Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, Vol. 13, No. 3, 1901

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‏اللغة: English
The Reconstruction of Georgia
Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, Vol. 13, No. 3, 1901

The Reconstruction of Georgia Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, Vol. 13, No. 3, 1901

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دار النشر: Project Gutenberg
الصفحة رقم: 2

Milledgeville Federal Union.

R. C. = Reports of Committees of the United States House of Representatives.

R. S. W. = Report of the Secretary of War.

S. D. = United States Senate Documents.

S. J. = Journal of the Georgia Senate.

S. L. = Session Laws of Georgia.

S. R. = United States Senate Reports.

S. O. M. D. G. = Special Orders issued in the Military District of Georgia.

S. O. T. M. D. = Special Orders issued in the Third Military District.

U. S. L. = United States Statutes at Large.

 

 


CHAPTER I

PRESIDENTIAL RECONSTRUCTION

The question, what political disposition should be made of the Confederate States after the destruction of their military power, began to be prominent in public discussion in December, 1863. It was then that President Lincoln announced his policy upon the subject, which was to restore each state to its former position in the Union as soon as one-tenth of its population had taken the oath of allegiance prescribed in his amnesty proclamation and had organized a state government pledged to abolish slavery. This policy Lincoln applied to those states which were subdued by the federal forces during his administration, viz., Tennessee, Arkansas and Louisiana. When the remaining states of the Confederacy surrendered in 1865, President Johnson applied the same policy, with some modifications, to each of them (except Virginia, where he simply recognized the Pierpont government).

Before this policy was put into operation, however, an effort was made by some of the leaders of the Confederacy to secure the restoration of those states to the Union without the reconstruction and the pledge required by the President. After the surrender of Lee’s army (April 9, 1865), General J. E. Johnston, acting under the authority of Jefferson Davis and with the advice of Breckenridge, the Confederate Secretary of War, and Reagan, the Confederate Postmaster General, proposed to General Sherman the surrender of all the Confederate armies then in existence on certain conditions. Among these was the condition that the executive of the United States should recognize the lately hostile state governments upon the renewal by their officers of their oath of allegiance to the federal Constitution, and that the people of the states so recognized should be guaranteed, so far as this lay in the power of the executive, their political rights as defined by the federal Constitution. Sherman signed a convention with Johnston agreeing to these terms, on April 18. That he intended by the agreement to commit the federal government to any permanent policy is doubtful. But when the convention was communicated for ratification to his superiors at headquarters, they showed the most decided opposition to granting the terms proposed even temporarily. The convention was emphatically disavowed, and on April 26 Sherman had to content himself with the surrender of Johnston’s army only, agreed to on purely military terms.[1]

Georgia formed a part of the district under the command of General Johnston. As soon, therefore, as the news of the surrender could reach that state, hostilities there ceased. On May 3, Governor Brown issued a summons for a meeting of the state legislature to take place on May 22, in order that measures might be taken “to prevent anarchy, restore and preserve order, and save what [could be saved] of liberty and civilization.”[2] At a time of general consternation, when military operations had displaced local government and closed the courts in many places, when the whole population was in want[3] through the devastation of the war or through the collapse of the Confederate currency which followed the collapse of the Confederate army,[4] the need of such measures was apparent.

The calling of the legislature incurred the disapproval of the federal authorities for two reasons. First, they regarded it as an attempt to prepare for further hostilities, and they accordingly arrested Brown, carried him to Washington, and put him in prison.[5] Second, in any case, as the disavowal of the convention of April 18 had shown, they did not intend to allow the state governments of the South to resume their regular activities at once, and accordingly the commander of the Department of the South issued orders on May 15, declaring void the proclamation of Joseph E. Brown, “styling himself Governor of Georgia,” and forbidding obedience thereto.[6]

The federal army now took control of the entire state government. Detachments were stationed in all the principal towns and county seats, and the commanders sometimes removed the civil officers and appointed others, sometimes allowed them to remain, subject to their direction. Military orders were issued regarding a wide range of civil affairs, such as school administration, sanitary provisions, the regulation of trade, the fixing of prices at which commodities should be sold, etc.[7] The provost marshal’s courts were further useful, to some extent, as substitutes for the state courts, whose operations were largely interrupted.[8] Directions to the officers of the Department admonished them that “the military authority should sustain, not assume the functions of, civil authority,” except when the latter course was necessary to preserve the peace.[9] This admonition from headquarters, issued after the President’s plan for reinstating Georgia in the Union had been put into operation, reflects his desire for a quick restoration of normal government.

President Johnson announced his policy toward the seceded states in his proclamation of May 29, 1865, regarding North Carolina. By it a provisional governor was appointed for that state, with the duty of making the necessary arrangements for the meeting of a constitutional convention, to be composed of and elected by men who had taken the oath of allegiance prescribed by, the President’s amnesty proclamation of the same date, and who were qualified voters according to the laws of the state in force before the war. The proclamation did not

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