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قراءة كتاب Practical Politics; or, the Liberalism of To-day

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‏اللغة: English
Practical Politics; or, the Liberalism of To-day

Practical Politics; or, the Liberalism of To-day

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دار النشر: Project Gutenberg
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XXV.   HOW IS TAXATION TO BE REDUCED? 144 XXVI.   IS FREE TRADE TO BE PERMANENT? 149 XXVII.   IS FOREIGN LABOUR TO BE EXCLUDED? 155 XXVIII.   HOW SHOULD WE GUIDE OUR FOREIGN POLICY? 160 XXIX.   IS A PEACE POLICY PRACTICABLE? 165 XXX.   HOW SHOULD WE DEAL WITH THE COLONIES? 171 XXXI.   SHOULD THE STATE SOLVE SOCIAL PROBLEMS? 177 XXXII.   HOW FAR SHOULD THE STATE INTERFERE? 182 XXXIII.   SHOULD THE STATE REGULATE LABOUR OR WAGES? 188 XXXIV.   SHOULD THE STATE INTERFERE WITH PROPERTY? 194 XXXV.   OUGHT THE STATE TO FIND FOOD AND WORK FOR ALL? 197 XXXVI.   HOW OUGHT WE TO DEAL WITH SOCIALISM? 200 XXXVII.   WHAT SHOULD BE THE LIBERAL PROGRAMME? 205 XXXVIII.   HOW IS THE LIBERAL PROGRAMME TO BE ATTAINED? 211 XXXIX.   IS PERFECTION IN POLITICS POSSIBLE? 216 XL.   WHERE SHALL WE STOP? 220

PRACTICAL POLITICS.


I.—WHAT IS THE USE OF A VOTE?

There are many persons, who, though possessing the suffrage, often put the question, “What is the use of a vote?” Giving small heed to political affairs, the issue of elections has as little interest for them as the debates in Parliament; and they imagine that the process of governing the country is mainly a self-acting one, upon which their individual effort could have the least possible effect.

This idea is wrong at the root, and the cause of much mischief in politics. We are governed by majorities, and every vote counts. Even the heaviest polls are sometimes decided by a majority of a single figure. In the history of English elections, many instances could be found wherein a member was returned by the narrowest majority of all—the majority of one; and when a member so elected has been taunted with its slenderness, he has had a right to reply, as some have replied, in well-known words: “’Tis not so deep as a well, nor so wide as a church door; but ’tis enough, ’twill serve.” And not only in the constituencies, but in Parliament itself, decisions have been arrived at by a solitary vote. The great principle animating the first Reform Bill was thus adopted by the House of Commons; and the measure shortly afterwards was taken to the country with the advantage thus given it. As, therefore, everything of importance in England is decided first in the constituencies, and then in Parliament, by single votes, it is obvious that in each possessor of the franchise is vested a power which, however apparently small when compared with the enormous number of similar possessors elsewhere, may have a direct bearing in turning an election, the result of which may affect the fate of some important bill.

So far most will doubtless agree without demur; but, in their indifference to political questions, may think that it is only those interested in them who have any real concern with elections. This is another mistake, for political questions are so intimately bound up with the comfort, the fortune, and even the fate of every citizen of a free country, that, although he may shut his eyes to them, they press upon him at every turn. It would be a very good world if each could do as he liked and none be the worse; but the world is not so constituted, and it is politics that lessen the consequent friction. For the whole system of government is covered by the term; and there is not an hour of the day in which one is free from the influence of government.

It is not necessary for one to be conscious of this in order to be certain that it is so. When he is in perfect health he is not conscious that every part of his body is in active exercise, but, if he stumble over a chair, he is made painfully aware of the possession of shins. And so with the actions of government. As long as things work smoothly the majority of people give them little heed, but, if an additional tax be levied, they are immediately interested in politics. And although taxes are not the least unpleasant evidence that there is such a thing as a government, it is far from the most unpleasant that could be afforded. The issues of peace and war lie in the hands of Parliament, although nominally resting with the Executive, for Parliament can speedily end a war by stopping the supplies; and it is not necessary to show how the progress and result of an armed struggle might affect each one of us. The State has a right to call upon every citizen for help in time of need, and that time of need might come very quickly at the heels of a disastrous campaign. It is easy enough in times of peace to imagine that such a call upon every grown man will never be

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