pay.

Racy and interesting, as well as strong and convincing, is the address of Rev. Dr. E. S. Atwood, which we print elsewhere. Dr. Atwood, at our request, represented the A. M. A. this year at the May Anniversaries in Boston. The experiment of having the different causes presented on Sunday in the churches, instead of during the week as heretofore, is the explanation of the time and the occasion of this address. Those who begin to read it will not be likely to stop until they have finished. Its perusal will prove an excellent appetizer for the Madison meeting.

When George W. Cable's now famous article, "The Freedman's Case in Equity," made its appearance in the Century magazine, it proved to be a veritable bomb-shell in the camp of the enemy. It exploded, and immediately there went up a cry from the wounded both long and loud, and far-extended as well, showing that the gun which threw it had been well aimed, and that the shot was an effective one. The newspapers of the South, with few exceptions, did not pretend to answer. They made feeble attempts at ridicule. Mr. Cable's shot must have carried away the heads of many of the editors, for they had surely lost them some way when they assailed Mr. Cable so fiercely in utter disregard of what his article really contained. If the editorials that appeared in the Southern papers, big and little, in annihilation of Mr. Cable and his pestiferous article could be gathered up and published, they would afford very amusing reading.

There were, however, a few who took up "The Freedman's Case in Equity" and set themselves to a serious and manly discussion of its positions. Meantime, Mr. Cable has been, laughingly, no doubt, looking at "the tempest in a teapot" which the small fry have created by their foamings and chokings from passion, while he has also been respectfully listening to those who have tried to meet him on the plane of fair discussion. He has been biding his time, waiting for the fury to boil itself out and for those who are really "foemen worthy of his steel" to speak their minds. His time has come to be heard from again, and in the September number of The Century, under the title, "The Silent South," he reviews his reviewers in a manner most masterful, in a style most luminous and in a spirit most kind, Christian and courteous.

We said at the time that his critics, while dealing vigorous blows, did not have reach enough to find him. They were simply beating the air. A perusal of "The Silent South" confirms what we said. There is actually no need for Mr. Cable to re-argue a single point that he made in his first paper. He is able to quote the words of his opponents in vindication of every claim he made. He drives them back with their own weapons. He has no occasion to defend. He is able to show at the very start that his assailants, instead of touching him, had only gotten themselves into trouble. To get themselves out is more than they are likely to be able to do, for their own words and the facts are against them.

With strange unanimity, these writers all cried out in respect to the equities for which Mr. Cable had been pleading, "Neither race wants them." Well, Mr. Cable retorts, where is the evidence? Bring on the witnesses. There are two parties interested here. What right has one party to affirm what the other party wants? Let the other party be heard from. White men say in the press, Neither race wants them, and the very mail that brings Mr. Cable the printed statement of white men brings him scores of letters from intelligent colored men, thanking him over and over again for the words he had written and the stand he had taken! The old habit of white men thinking for the slave, and planning for the slave and speaking for the slave has not yet been broken off. That was a civil right white men once had, but they should remember that it is a right which has departed from them for ever. The freedman has that right now to himself, and when white men say respecting "the equities," "Neither race wants them," the colored man respectfully answers back, "Gentlemen, we do our own thinking now; you are mistaken; your old habits blind your eyes and warp your judgment; we deny that you have any right to tell the world what we want and what we think. Mr. Cable is right, you are wrong."

Was ever a position in controversy more triumphantly carried?

We have not space to copy this splendid article. We wish that all the readers of the Missionary might secure it. Our friends down South will find, sooner or later, that truth and right are hard things to fight. They had better give it up. This striking out and hitting nothing, only to get a good, sound pummeling in return doesn't pay. It is a losing business that were well abandoned.

Our readers who study the receipts of the A. M. A. as they appear every month in the Missionary, will notice this month a frequent item, "Sale of Bullets." A good moral is pointed by what that phrase means. Atlanta, Ga., was, during the war, a fortified city. Sherman's army in its triumphant march to the sea occupied it. Some fighting was done in and around the city. The leaden missiles sunk into the earth-works and fell into the clayey soil, where they still remain in great numbers. Our Storrs school at Atlanta needed a kindergarten attachment. We had no money to appropriate for this worthy object, and so we said to the missionaries, We cannot help you, but perhaps you can interest friends to come to your relief. The plan of digging up these bullets and selling them was hit upon. An appeal was quietly made, and as a result there have been received $621.46. These bullets were once used by Uncle Sam's soldiers to help save the country; resurrected from the earth, they have been used a second time for the same purpose. When first used they represented the gospel of force; as now used they represent the gospel of love. Love will conquer, and in its conquest there will be neither pain nor death. We congratulate our Atlanta workers in so successfully turning these instruments of war into messengers of peace.

THE NEW EDUCATION IN THE NEW SOUTH.

Hon. A. D. Mayo, that sterling friend of education, has prepared a paper with the above heading, embodying the results of his observations and experiences during the past five years, as he has journeyed through fifteen of the Southern States. He was most profoundly impressed with the dense ignorance of the region. Of the four million white and two million colored children and youth of school age, "not one-third can be said to be in any effective school."

But he finds many things to encourage a hopeful outlook for the future. The people of the South are roused to see that the children must be educated. The native Southern stock of white people is good. The colored people show by the advancement made that they "are in nowise a discouraging material for the schoolmaster." Southern young women, daughters of the best families, are becoming school teachers. He sees in these facts omens of good.

But he feels that the problem is too great for the South to solve alone. The North must help, and now more than ever is the time. He says:

I have no words to waste on any man or party holding off in this emergency, on the pitiful plea that the Southern people should be left to do this work alone. It was one thing for the old States of the North to gradually develop their systems of popular instruction, through a century in which they, with all their imperfections, led the world in the general intelligence of their people. It was a much easier problem for the new West, out of munificent public endowments of land and a constant stream of private beneficence from the East, with a flood of the most vigorous young people setting in from the whole