leaders with sticks. People of other societies might attend while they recited their deeds. At the last part of their song the Berries, as well as the tsëtā´nmâ, would raise their rattles aloft and shake them.

The Berries had one arrow (zë´bo) as long as a spear. In recent times Hā´ñguL made one because his grandfather had had one. Since he had it, it came to belong to the Berry society. Only one man had it; if he died, some other member would get a similar badge, the original being buried with the owner. In battle the owner stuck it into the ground and then was pledged to stand there unless released by some one else. The arrow was decorated with reddened eagle feathers and the entire shaft was painted red.

Q'ō´i'tsë`ñko.

The exact meaning of this native term could not be ascertained. In his lists Mr. Mooney renders it "Chief Dogs" and "Real or Principal Dogs"[18](?). In his Kiowa glossary, however, he explains that:—

the name seems to mean "Kiowa horses" from Gâ-i or Kâ-i and tseñ. Identical with the "horse" and "big horse," military orders of the Kiowa and Kiowa Apache, respectively, as given by Clark.[19]

Martinez, like Clark's informant, translated the word as "Horses" with some additional honorific epithet, possibly connected with the office of scout. A corresponding difficulty as to the meaning of society designations has been noted among the Mandan (this volume, pp. 302, 306, 317). Comparison of the Kiowa society with the (Big) Dog societies of other Plains tribes certainly seems to show that it is historically connected with them. In further justification of Mr. Mooney's rendering may be cited the origin myth obtained by him. According to this, the founder experienced a vision of warriors equipped in the manner since adopted by the society and accompanied by a dog, which told the visionary that he, also being a dog, should make a noise like one and sing a dog song.

As already stated, members of this organization were expected to be especially brave; accordingly, they enjoyed greater prestige than other societies. In age they ranged from about 25 upward. Mr. Mooney's positive statement that the membership was definitely limited to ten is entitled to take precedence of my data since he doubtless had an opportunity of securing a general consensus of opinion while I was only able to interview three informants. Novices were not allowed to enter in the unceremonious manner characteristic of the other societies: one of the two leaders would approach the individual chosen with a pipe and thus force him to join. If a member felt too old to go to war, he would similarly put his pipe into the hand of a younger man, who was thus obliged to become his successor in the organization. Mr. Mooney tells us that in such a case the new member presented his predecessor with blankets or other property.

The distinctive badge of membership was a sash (q'ō´i'tsë`+ota), about six inches wide and long enough to drag along the ground; it was made of rawhide, buckskin, or red cloth. When these emblems became old, there was a meeting for the purpose of making new ones, which took four or five days. For his sash and other regalia each member had a medicine bag from which they were only taken in war or when their dance was performed. In a war it was a member's duty to sing the song of his society, fasten his sash to the earth with a spear and thereafter to stand his ground regardless of consequences; anyone who fled lost his prestige and membership unless he had been released by some other man. Mr. Mooney distinguishes three types of sash,—the leader's[20] emblem, which was of elkskin colored black; three emblems of red cloth; and six of elkskin dyed red.[21] He states further that a member might lend his sash to another man, more particularly to a younger comrade, either in camp or even on less important war expeditions, but on the more important raids he was obliged to wear it himself lest he be regarded as a coward.

The ceremonial paint of this organization was red, which was used all over the face and clothes, including the moccasins, and also on their feathers. The leaders, unlike those of other societies, did not carry flat sticks, but had reddened dewclaw rattles, the dewclaws being attached to the handle of the rawhide sphere. Martinez declares that the rawhide was obligatory, no modern equivalent being permitted.[22] In addition to these instruments drums were used at a dance, and the performers also blew eagle bone whistles, painted red. The dance step was slow.

In battle and during a dance the members used backward speech. For example, they would say, "I am going to run away." "We do not want a feast yet," when they meant the contrary. During a buffalo hunt they might act as police like the other organizations.

WOMEN'S SOCIETIES.

There was an Old Women society (tsaLietsu`ⁿyū´p) and a Bear society (oⁿnā´atema). The latter had very few members, only about ten or eleven. Some members were old, some were young. A few women, including Charlie Faⁿto´ⁿi's grandmother, belonged to both.

The Old Women were not all old, though none was young. There were about thirty-five or forty of them. They selected their daughters or other close kinswomen for successors; this also applies to the Bears. A woman made a feast four times before becoming a member. The Old Women danced round in a circle, and had a drum. In marching, one leader was in front, another in the rear. The Bears merely imitated the motions of bears with their hands. They did not allow any outsider to come in when they had a dance.

If a man started out for war he prayed to the Old Women, saying that if he came back successful he should give them a feast. In fulfilling his promise, he called the women, lit a pipe, presented it to them, and each member smoked in turn, then prayed for the warrior's honor and long life. Then the warriors brought water for the women, who drank it and prayed again. Then the feast was brought, the war leader recited his deeds, and then one of the leaders of the society cut a little piece of meat, buried it in the ground and prayed, treating in the same way a pinch or slice of every kind of food. Then they ate.

This body is clearly described by Battey, who saw its members perform for an hour or two in the afternoon during the preparatory arrangements for a sun dance:—

The music consisted of singing and drumming, done by several old women, who were squatted on the ground in a circle. The dancers—old, gray-headed women, from sixty to eighty years of age—performed in a circle around them for some time, finally striking off upon a waddling run, one behind another; they formed a circle, came back, and, doubling so as to bring two