قراءة كتاب The Crisis of Eighteen Hundred and Sixty-One in the Government of the United States. Its Cause, and How It Should Be Met
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The Crisis of Eighteen Hundred and Sixty-One in the Government of the United States. Its Cause, and How It Should Be Met
THE CRISIS
OF
EIGHTEEN HUNDRED AND SIXTY-ONE
IN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE
UNITED STATES.
ITS CAUSE,
AND HOW IT SHOULD BE MET.
CONTAINING THE CELEBRATED PROCLAMATION OF ANDREW
JACKSON TO THE SOUTH CAROLINA NULLIFIERS; WEBSTER’S
ANSWER TO HAYNE ON THE SUBJECT OF
NULLIFICATION, AND SEVERAL EXTRACTS
FROM LETTERS WRITTEN BY JOHN JAY,
JAMES MADISON, AND ALEXANDER
HAMILTON, PENDING THE ADOPTION
OF THE CONSTITUTION.
BY A. D. STREIGHT.
INDIANAPOLIS, IND.:
PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOR.
1861.
Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year eighteen hundred
and sixty-one,
BY A. D. STREIGHT,
In the Clerk’s office of the District Court of the United States for the
District of Indiana.
CONTENTS.
Crisis—its Cause | 7 |
Crisis—How to Meet it | 17 |
Constitution | 17 |
Crittenden’s Amendment | 94 |
Jackson’s Proclamation | 41 |
Jackson’s Administration compared with Buchanan’s | 68 |
Missouri Compromise | 93 |
Missouri Compromise compared with Crittenden’s Amendment | 92 |
Oath of President | 22 |
People—shall they rule | 84 |
People—duty of | 85 |
Treason—what constitutes | 23 |
Treason—who are guilty of | 23 |
Union—how to preserve the | 81 |
Union—the effects of war to sustain the | 83 |
Union—why founded—Madison and others’ opinions | 36 |
Union—utility of | 24 |
Webster’s answer to Hayne | 68 |
TO THE FLAG OF OUR UNION,
TO THE MEMORY OF THE IMMORTAL HEROES,
WHO ESTABLISHED IT,
AND TO THE TRUE HEARTED PATRIOTS,
WHO WILL MAINTAIN IT,
THIS VOLUME IS MOST RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED,
BY THE AUTHOR.
PREFACE.
In presenting this volume to the people, we shall offer no apology. It has been our constant effort to condense into as small a compass as possible our views relative to the cause of our nation’s calamity, and the proper course to be pursued to restore the supremacy of the laws, the integrity of the constitution, and to preserve the Union. We have aimed at nothing but the good of our distracted country. That some will differ with us relative to our proposed plan of managing our national affairs in this hour of peril, is no more than we expect. We are aware that there are true-hearted and well-meaning men who are of the opinion that we had better compromise with the traitors to our country than to use forcible means to compel obedience to the laws. But we think they are seriously mistaken; that such a measure will but produce a temporary calm that will be succeeded by a storm of increased violence. We have labored in the first place to show that our present troubles are owing to a mistaken policy on the part of our government in adopting temporary pacification measures, instead of maintaining the supremacy of the laws. We have also endeavored to show from letters written by some of the founders of our government, that this is a government of the people collectly, and not a government of the States. We have further endeavored to show that the wisest of our statesmen were in favor of enforcing the laws regardless of the feelings of those who rebelled against them; and finally, we trust, that we have shown that a Republican government cannot be maintained unless the people of every section of the country are compelled to submit to the constitutional acts of the majority. We wish our Southern brethren no harm, but they must learn that this is a government composed of freemen who will submit to their dictation no longer; and the sooner they are apprized of this fact the better it will be for all parties concerned. The necessity for a work of this kind has caused us to lay aside most pressing business matters which needed our attention; but in these perilous times we feel it our duty to do all