enlightened piety to aid in the great moral conflict between light and darkness, which now agitates our guilty country. Anti-Slavery Societies, embracing in their Constitutions, abstinence from slave labor products, as far as this can be done. Peace Societies, based on the principle that all war is inconsistent with the gospel. Temperance Societies, on the principle of abstinence from all that can intoxicate, and Moral Reform Societies should be organized throughout our land wherever it is practicable. The formation of Maternal Associations, Dorcas Societies, Reading & Conversation Companies, and above all, Meetings for Prayer will have a salutary influence in combining efforts for improvement. Whenever you can unite with white associations, it will be productive of reciprocal benefit, because it will tend to remove that unchristian prejudice which "bites like a serpent, and stings like an adder." You may have to suffer much in thus commingling, but we entreat you to bear hardness as good soldiers of Jesus Christ, that your children, and your children's children, may be spared the anguish you are compelled to endure on this account. To carry forward these various schemes of elevation and improvement, money is absolutely requisite, and if all that is saved from unnecessary expenses be lent to the Lord to advance the great work of Reformation, as well as devoted to charitable purposes it will be treasure laid up in heaven, which neither moth nor rust can corrupt.

Another subject which is worthy of your consideration is the consistency of abstaining, as Abolitionists, from the use of slave labor products, as far as is practicable. The conviction that this is a duty, is gaining ground among the friends of emancipation, and we doubt not that the self-denial which it will probably demand on our part, will arouse the conscience of the slaveholder, by demonstrating that we are willing to sacrifice interest and convenience to principle. To the toil-worn slave, it will minister unspeakable consolation, to hear, while bending over the rice, or sugar, or cotton field, and writhing under the lash, that his friends at the North feel a sympathy so deep for his sufferings, that they cannot partake of the proceeds of his unrequited toil. Think you not it would cheer his agonized heart, and impart renewed strength to endure his affliction, to know that his blood was not spilt for the gratification of those who are trying to obtain for him the blessing of liberty. We entreat you to give this evidence of your love to those who have emphatically fallen among thieves, then, although you cannot pour the wine and the oil into their corporeal wounds, nor dress with mollifying ointment, the bloody gash of the drivers' whip, you may minister to their mental comfort, and soothe their broken hearts. Let it not be imagined that the slaves of the South are destitute of intelligence, or ignorant of what is doing at the North; many a noble mind is writhing there in bondage, and panting for deliverance, as the hart panteth after the water brooks. Mr. Goode, in the legislature of Virginia in 1832, when he brought in the resolution which produced the celebrated debate in that body, "earnestly pressed upon the House, the effect of what was passing upon the minds of the slaves themselves. Many of them he represented as wise and intelligent men, constantly engaged in reflection, informed of all that was occurring, and having their attention fixed upon the Legislature." And we have been informed on good authority, that a slave in one of the Southern states, one of those whose soul never bowed to the yoke of bondage, said, that himself and his fellow sufferers spent many a midnight hour in discussing the probable results of the abolition movements, and were firmly persuaded that their redemption from bondage would finally be effected, though they knew not exactly by what means it would be accomplished. Every fugitive slave who is carried back, bears to his unhappy countrymen an account of all that is doing. Every freeman who falls into the ruthless fangs of the kidnapper, spreads information at the South, of all our efforts for the abolition of slavery, and we put it to any one of ourselves, whether, if we were wasting our energies, and toiling in cheerless bondage, it would not be some alleviation to know, that there were those who loved us so tenderly, and felt for us so keenly, that they would not participate in the luxuries which were the fruit of our extorted and unrequited labor.

It has been urged, and with some plausibility, that the use of the products of slave labor, is one of the "little things" connected with the great cause of abolition. Admitting it to be little, is it therefore unimportant? Does not the reproof of our Redeemer exactly apply to this case, when in speaking of the tithe of mint, annise and cummin, and the weightier matters of the law, he says, "This ought ye to have done, and not to leave the other undone;" but however small it may appear, it involves a great principle, because it really encourages the traffic in human flesh, by offering to the slaveholder an inducement to perpetuate the system of oppression from which he derives his unrighteous gains. Another hackneyed objection is, that our abstaining will not lessen the quantity grown, and other consumers will soon be found. With this we have nothing to do; we might on the same premises, purchase and hold slaves, because if we do not, others will. No doubt much inconvenience and some privation must be endured, but this will be continually decreasing, as West India productions will furnish a substitute. In some instances the use of cotton cannot perhaps be avoided by the poor, but still much may be done, and those of us who have made the experiment can testify that our abstinence has strengthened us for the work we are engaged in, and that there is a sweet feeling of conscious integrity that gladdens our hearts. "I will wash mine hands in innocency, so will I compass thine altar, oh Lord." In proportion as the demand for free labor products increases, the supply will increase, and the greater the quantity of such articles which is thrown into the market, the more their price will lessen. Besides "allowing the labor of a slave for six years, to produce all the various slave-grown products which anyone may use during the course of his life, would not he who was so occupied be in effect the slave of such an one during the time he was thus employed?" This is a solemn and affecting consideration, and can be most correctly weighed when we are on our knees before God; it is a matter between Him and every individual soul, and he alone can settle it.

We believe it was the want of that principle which we have been endeavoring to inculcate, "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself," that gave birth to the scheme of expatriating our colored brethren to Africa. We do not design to attribute unhallowed motives to all who engaged in this crusade against the rights and happiness of free American citizens; many, we believe, like our beloved brother, Gerrit Smith, embarked in this enterprise without examining the principles of the Society, deluded by the false, though plausible assertion, that the colored man could not rise in his native land to an equality with his white compatriots, and desirous to do them all the good that circumstances admitted. Nevertheless, we are constrained to believe what you have so often asserted, and so keenly felt, that "The Colonization Society originated in hatred to the free people of color." We rejoice that you early detected the fallacy and the iniquity of this scheme; that you arose in the dignity of conscious rights, in the majesty of moral power, in the boldness of injured innocence, and exposed the cruelty and unrighteousness of a project, which, had it been carried fully into execution, would have robbed America of some of her