the land to the farmer or freedman on such terms of payment as may be agreed upon; or, if more convenient, the Trustees will do it, under his instructions.

2. When a purchaser of a farm pays for it himself he will get his deed at once, and that will end the matter with him, so far as the Trustees are concerned.

3. Parties wishing to donate farms for poor and worthy freedmen and their families, can do so through the Trustees, and be furnished in due time with the names of the recipients, their location, and post-office address.

4. As an investment, well-located farms at $1.25 per acre, are as safe as government bonds, and will pay a much larger interest. We have already stated that the lands donated to the Pacific railroads have averaged five dollars per acre, while some of them have sold as high as fifteen dollars per acre.

OBJECTIONS CONSIDERED.

1. We are aware that one objection to our plan of placing the freedmen in a comparatively independent position from their old masters and their posterity, is its magnitude. But that is no valid reason why it should not be adopted. If it cannot be wholly accomplished in a generation or a century, let it be done, so far as it can be, in our generation, and continued by our successors until it shall be finished.

Under God, Moses undertook to lead the children of Israel out of Egyptian bondage into the promised land. In doing it they were forty years in the wilderness, but in due time the thing was accomplished and passed into history. The magnitude of the project and the time required for its accomplishment were no objections to its being undertaken. It is true we have no Moses to lead the freedmen into our western prairies, but we have the same God to work under that Moses had.

2. The American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, when it began its work, had no expectation of converting the world to Christianity in a generation or a century; but that was no reason why it should not organize and go to work, leaving for its successors to finish what it then only began. The same is true of the Home Missionary Society work, and that of the American Missionary Association, which has the freedmen under its care especially. The work of both of these societies will be greatly facilitated by taking the freedmen from the clutches of the old slave oligarchy, and placing them in an independent civil position on our boundless prairies, and in cities and villages where they can care for themselves, their families, and their country, with none to molest nor make them afraid; a work which neither of the above societies can do, under their present constitutions.

Where they are, Col. Preston, of Virginia, in a paper addressed to the American Missionary Association at its annual meeting said: "There is no place for them as legislators, and no room for them among the whites as doctors, lawyers, professors, engineers, architects, or artists. By other pursuits they must gain their livelihood, and for other pursuits they must be trained."

It will be observed that agriculture is left out of the colonel's catalogue, and, of course, must be included in the "other pursuits" by which the freedmen "must gain their livelihood." Now we propose to place them on the best farming lands on this continent, where they can not only gain a "livelihood," but qualify themselves for any and all of the above occupations and professions, with no rifle clubs to keep them in subjection to the ruling class of whites.

President Fairchild, of Berea College, said that the above quotation was a "leaden weight hung upon the neck of the colored youth."

Our plan proposes to put them in a position to shake off that "leaden weight," and rise in the scale of humanity in consonance with their just deserts.

It can but commend itself to the friends of the freedmen.

THE PLAN APPROVED.

Since our "open letter to the freedmen of the South," dated Aug. 13, 1878, and published in the Boston "Traveller," a few days after, announcing our plan of emigration, we have received letters of endorsement from leading freedmen, which show the feeling in the South in favor of this plan, and their opposition to the Liberia scheme of emigration. One of them writes us: "I prefer going West, and many hundreds here would join me. I am opposed to emigration to Liberia. We cannot live in the South and enjoy our political rights. We need wealth and education. These are what we cannot get in the South, where the landed aristocrat refuses to sell and divide his land among the blacks. He opposes our education, so as to be able to control our political rights, and make us only "hewers of wood and drawers of water." I hope the plan will be a success. The prayers of many freedmen will go with you and the whole scheme."

This writer is endorsed by Hon. J. H. Rainey, M. C. from South Carolina.

As we go to press with this pamphlet, we will give the key-note of the newspaper press on the subject.

The "Washington Republican" urges upon the colored men of the South that the best thing they can do is to go to the West. It says:—

"And the sooner they go the better for all concerned. Their exodus from the South would leave the soil of that to them inhospitable section without tillers. It would weaken the political strength of the ex-Confederacy in the Union, and they would stand some chance of being represented in the national councils, as well as being counted in the basis of that representation. Besides, it would awaken a sentiment among the better classes of the South in favor of law and order, for the purpose of persuading them to remain 'at home'; and this would result in a determined effort to overcome Ku-Kluxism and bull-dozing in all their varied forms."

To be "counted in the basis of that representation," and be forced to submit to have bull-dozing representatives sent to Congress by the Ku-Klux, is an unparalleled monstrosity.

THE FREEDMEN'S DANGER.

We verily believe that the chief danger to the freedmen is in being fooled by the fair promises of "the dominant white race." They have succeeded so well in befooling the government, and have found out by experience that it is much easier and more profitable to fool than to fight, that they will try the same game with the freedmen, as soon as they begin to emigrate. But don't be deceived by them. You had experience enough, both during slavery and since emancipation, of their perfidy, faithlessness, and treachery. In our forty years' contest with the slave power, we never knew its votaries to make a promise, involving human rights, and redeem it, when it was against their pecuniary interest to do so. I may say the same of their political promises, specimens of which are given in the previous numbers of the Principia Club papers, also in the Appendix, and need not be repeated in this.

Rebels who claim that this is "a white man's country," and that "negroes have no rights that white men are bound to respect," are not to be trusted. The thirty-five members of Congress to which the freedmen are entitled, should be chosen by their votes, and, in every locality where the freedmen are in a majority, and are fraudulently deprived of their vote, the representative from that district should be denied a seat in Congress. This would dispose of the Democratic majority of bull-dozers at once. But whether this can be done or not, as things now are, organize into colonies, leave the "solid South to the world, the flesh, and the devil," emigrate West, where you