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قراءة كتاب Address to the Non-Slaveholders of the South on the Social and Political Evils of Slavery

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Address to the Non-Slaveholders of the South
on the Social and Political Evils of Slavery

Address to the Non-Slaveholders of the South on the Social and Political Evils of Slavery

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دار النشر: Project Gutenberg
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suffice.

The whites are to the slaves in Brook Co., Va., as 85 to 1
 " " " Yancy Co., N. Car., 22 to 1
 " " " Union Co., Ga., 35 to 1
 " " " De Kalb Co., Ala., 16 to 1
 " " " Fentress Co., Tenn., 43 to 1
 " " " Morgan Co., Ky., [1] 74 to 1
 " " " Taney Co., Mo., 80 to 1
 " " " Searcy Co., Ark., 311 to 1

[1] Mr. Nicholas, in a speech in the Kentucky Legislature in 1837, objected to calling a convention to alter the Constitution, because in such a convention he believed the abolition of slavery would be agitated; and he reminded the house, that in the State "the slaveholders do not stand in the ratio of more than one to six or seven." Of course slavery is maintained in Kentucky, through the consent of the non-slaveholders.

There is not a State or Territory in the Union in which you, fellow-citizens, have not an overwhelming majority over the slaveholders; and the majority is probably the greatest in those in which the slaves are the most numerous, because in such they are chiefly concentrated on large plantations.

It has been the policy of the slaveholders to keep entirely out of sight their own numerical inferiority, and to speak and act as if their interests were those of the whole community. They are the nobility of the south, and they find it expedient to forget that there are any commoners. Hence with them slavery is the institution of the south, while it is in fact the institution of only a portion of the people of the south. It is their craft to magnify and extol the importance and advantages of their institution; and hence we are told by Gov. McDuffie, that slavery "is the CORNER STONE of our republican institutions." To defend this corner stone from the assaults of truth and reason, he audaciously proposed to the legislature, that abolitionists should be punished "with death without benefit of clergy." This gentleman, like most demagogues, while professing great zeal for the People, whose interests were for the most part adverse to slavery, was in fact looking to his own aggrandizement. He was, at the very time he uttered these absurd and murderous sentiments, a great planter, and his large "force" was said to have raised in 1836, no less than 122,500 lbs. of cotton. [2] In the same spirit, and with the same design, the Report of a Committee of the South Carolina Legislature, made in 1842, speaks of slavery "as an ancient domestic institution, cherished in the hearts of the people at the south, the eradication of which would demolish our whole system of policy, domestic, social, and political."

[2] See the newspapers of the day.

The slaveholders form a powerful landed aristocracy, banded together for the preservation of their own privileges, and ever endeavoring, for obvious reasons, to identify their private interests with the public welfare. Thus have the landed proprietors of England declaimed loudly on the blessings of dear bread, because the corn laws keep up rents and the price of land. The wealth and influence of your aristocracy, together with your own poverty, have led you to look up to them with a reverence bordering on that which is paid to a feudal nobility by their hereditary dependents. Hence it is, that, unconscious of your own power, you have permitted them to assume, as of right, the whole legislation and government of your respective States. We now propose to call your attention to the practical results of that control over your interests, which, by your sufferance, they have so long exercised. We ask you to join us in the inquiry how far you have been benefitted by the care of your guardians, when compared with the people of the North, who have been left to govern themselves. We will pursue this inquiry in the following order:

1. Increase of Population.
2. State of Education.
3. State of Industry and Enterprise.
4. Feeling towards the Laboring Classes.
5. State of Religion.
6. State of Morals.
7. Disregard for Human Life.
8. Disregard for Constitutional Obligations.
9. Liberty of Speech.
10. Liberty of the Press.
11. Military Weakness.

I. INCREASE OF POPULATION.

The ratio of increase of population, especially in this country, is one of the surest tests of public prosperity. Let us then again listen to the impartial testimony of the late census. From this we learn that the increase of population in the free States from 1830 to 1840, was at the rate of 38 per cent., while the increase of the free population in the slave States was only 23 per cent. Why this difference of 15 in the two ratios? No other cause can be assigned than slavery, which drives from your borders many of the virtuous and enterprising, and at the same time deters emigrants from other States and from foreign countries from settling among you.

The influence of slavery on population is strikingly illustrated by a comparison between Kentucky and Ohio. These two States are of nearly equal areas, Kentucky however having about 3000 square miles more than the other. [3] They are separated only by a river, and are both remarkable for the fertility of their soil; but one has, from the beginning, been cursed with slavery, and the other blessed with freedom. Now mark their respective careers.

[3] American Almanac for 1843, p. 206.

In 1792, Kentucky was erected into a State, and Ohio in 1802.

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