href="@public@vhost@g@gutenberg@html@files@41360@[email protected]#Page_184" class="pginternal" tag="{http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml}a">184
V.—All these theories explain totemism only by postulating other religious notions anterior to it |
186 |
CHAPTER VI Origins of these Beliefs—(continued) The Notion of the Totemic Principle, or Mana, and the Idea of Force |
I.—The notion of the totemic force or principle—Its ubiquity—Its character at once physical and moral |
188 |
II.—Analogous conceptions in other inferior societies—The gods in Samoa, the wakan of the Sioux, the orenda of the Iroquois, the mana of Melanesia—Connection of these notions with totemism—The Arunkulta of the Arunta |
191 |
III.—Logical priority of impersonal force over the different mythical personalities—Recent theories which tend to admit this priority |
198 |
IV.—The notion of religious force is the prototype of that of force in general |
203 |
CHAPTER VII Origins of these Beliefs—(end) Origin of the Idea of the Totemic Principle or Mana |
I.—The totemic principle is the clan, but thought of under a more empirical form |
205 |
II.—General reasons for which society is apt to awaken the sensation of the sacred and the divine—Society as an imperative moral force; the notion of moral authority—Society as a force which raises the individual outside of himself—Facts which prove that society creates the sacred |
206 |
III.—Reasons peculiar to Australian societies—The two phases through which the life of these societies alternatively passes: dispersion, concentration—Great collective effervescence during the periods of concentration—Examples—How the religious idea is born out of this effervescence |
214 |
Why collective force has been thought of under totemic forms: it is the totem that is the emblem of the clan—Explanation of the principal totemic beliefs |
219 |
IV.—Religion is not the product of fear—It expresses something real—Its essential idealism—This idealism is a general characteristic of collective mentality—Explanation of the external character of religious forces in relation to their subjects—The principle that the part is equal to the whole |
223 |
V.—Origin of the notion of emblem: emblems a necessary condition of collective representations—Why the clan has taken its emblems from the animal and vegetable kingdoms |
230 |
VI.—The proneness of the primitive to confound the kingdoms and classes which we distinguish—Origins of these confusions—How they have blazed the way for scientific explanations—They do not exclude the tendency towards distinction and opposition |
234 |
CHAPTER VIII The Idea of the Soul |
I.—Analysis of the idea of the soul in the Australian societies |
240 |
II.—Genesis of this idea—The doctrine of reincarnation according to Spencer and Gillen: it implies that the soul is a part of the totemic principle—Examination of the facts collected by Strehlow; they confirm the totemic nature of the soul |
246 |
III.—Generality of the doctrine of reincarnation—Diverse facts in support of the proposed genesis |
256 |
IV.—Antithesis of the soul and the body: what there is objective in this—Relations of the individual soul with the collective soul—The idea of the soul is not chronologically after that of mana |
262 |
V.—Hypothesis to explain the belief in its survival |
267 |
VI.—The idea of a soul and the idea of a person; impersonal elements in the personality |
269 |
CHAPTER IX The Idea of Spirits and Gods |
I.—Difference between a soul and a spirit—The souls of the mythical ancestors are spirits, having determined functions—Relations between the ancestral spirit, the individual soul and the individual totem—Explanation of this latter—Its
|