yet exhibiting those symptoms of a Satanic Spirit, the more convinced am I that their motives are impure, that they are not actuated by charity or love, but by pride, ambition, or malice.

Know you not that Europe is looking on these States with a jealous eye? America is deemed the cradle of republicanism—the Asylum for all who venture to raise their voice against tyranny. Is there no gold in Russia, nor in Austria? Were plans (religious and philanthropic!) never devised by European Powers to divide the friends of liberty—to break up Unions—and crush that goddess (Liberty) who ever haunts the bed of Tyrants? What characters think you, would most likely be employed for such purposes? Fools? No certainly. Notorious bad men? Certainly not. It would be men of good report—outwardly righteous. Would such persons make known their plans? Certainly not. Would they declare that their object was to ruin and break up the Union? No! No! They know better than that. On the contrary, they would laugh at the very idea of the possibility of a disturbance—they would turn the apprehension into ridicule; and scoff at the very hint of so preposterous a dream! They would exclaim, Pshaw! This is the old story. The Union has been threatened one time by the Banks—another time by the Tariff! another time by the Indians—another time by Texas—another time by the "bursting of a steam-boat!" And forsooth now by Abolitionism! By this kind of wit, of sophistry, of bombast, they would allay all suspicion, delude their innocent and unsuspecting hearers,

who would mightily applaud the erudition and talent of the orator!

But who can listen to such advice as the following without suspicion, "go forward, no matter the consequences—if slavery cannot be instantly abolished without the disunion of this Nation, the sooner the better," &c! And this proceeding, from an imprudent, incautious, and injudicious man—from one, who not six years ago, pronounced in a foreign land, that the Union was an "unholy alliance"—"a wicked, and ignominious compact"—and, "null and void from the beginning"! Can such sentiments be propagated throughout any Country with impunity? If such were uttered in England respecting the King of that Nation, the speaker would soon get a halter as his reward! And the Father of this Country, the immortal Washington, penetrating, as it were, into futurity, and well knowing how error commences, gave the following advice, as his last and dying admonition, "Frown indignantly (said he) on the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our Country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts." Was it, I wonder, the recollection of this admonition that called forth the abuse, (if general report be true,) so abundantly poured forth by the same champion, in "Pennsylvania Hall" on the memory of Washington? But it is only justice to add that all the Trustees of that Building, with whom I conversed on the subject, one excepted, expressed their decided disapprobation of the course adopted by the Gentleman alluded to. Now the question is, shall the advice of Washington, or the doctrines inculcated by the Champions of Abolitionism, be followed? The one is so diametrically opposed to the other, that both cannot

be regarded—If Abolitionism is to be supported, then the principles of Washington must be abandoned—Now is the time for every man to take his stand—Check the evil in the bud—"a little leaven, leaveneth the whole lump"—Now it may be stopped without blood—In a year or so, it may be impossible to say this—Again I say, let every man, woman, and child, bind round his neck the advice of Washington, "Frown indignantly at the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our Country," and let the whole Nation shout, Amen! Then the Champions of Abolitionism will soon find their level—the true friends of the black will all unite together, and with open hearts, and open purses, use their utmost endeavours to make him happy.

CHAPTER III.
THE IMPRACTICABILITY OF THE OBJECT OF ABOLITIONISTS DEMONSTRATED—AND THE INEVITABLE AND INCALCULABLE EVILS WHICH THAT OBJECT, IF ACCOMPLISHED, WOULD PRODUCE, &C.

The professed object of the Abolition Society is to procure the immediate, instantaneous, and unconditional emancipation of all the slaves in America.—And the means adopted by this Society to accomplish this object are the publication and circulation of vast numbers of papers and pamphlets, by way of enlightening the slave, and the slaveholder—but which consist, for the most part, of exhortations, and encouragement, to the slave, to disobedience, insubordination, and rebellion. This advice is coupled with the most galling denunciations and threats towards the slaveholder.

How very far, in the nature of things, these means are from accomplishing the object, every man of common reflection must perceive. Besides, it is an undeniable fact, which might have been anticipated by every man, not a hater of "caution, prudence, and judiciousness," that the condition of the slaves has, since the origin of the Anti-Slavery Society, become much more severe. Since that Society commenced its distribution of incendiary papers, and pamphlets, many of the slave-holders have prevented their slaves learning to read; so that if the slaves were before bound with fetters of hemp, the Abolitionists have converted the hemp into fetters of iron.—But who can blame the slave-holder for this? We, in the Northern and Eastern States, in which the white population far exceeds that of the coloured, cannot justly estimate, or form a correct opinion of the merits of the case, unless we transport ourselves down to the South.—Let us go there for a few moments and then consider the case.—Here we are then in South Carolina, where the slaves are in vast numbers: unaccustomed to guide, or take care of themselves, without either "caution, prudence, or judiciousness"! We have got our wives, our daughters, our sons, our property, all at their mercy—a quantity of papers and pamphlets are circulated among them, in which the slave-holder is portrayed as a monster of hell—a picture or plate of some act of cruelty generally heads the production—individual acts of cruelty and oppression are selected, and so related as if similar deeds were daily committed by every slave-holder in the South! What must the poor man of colour think upon reading, or seeing, this? Why he says within himself, although my master is very good to me, and

I have every thing I want, yet as this paper says all masters treat their slaves in this cruel way, the sooner I run off the better! And this paper tells me there is something called liberty which gives money, and houses, and pleasure in abundance; the sooner I get these good things the better! Moreover this good paper also tells me that my master has no right to keep me—that my master's property is not his, but it belongs to his slaves, for they have earned it—and that if I run away the white man will immediately receive, protect, and give me plenty of money, plenty of fine clothes, plenty of pleasure, plenty of no work! I will tell all these good things to all my black brethren—if I have a right to go, so have THEY—if my master's property is mine, so is it theirs also.—The poor deluded slave is thus set on fire, and thus he inflames the minds of all