the adoption of such other measures as may be necessary to enable me to carry out the expressed will of the Congress of the United States in the premises, I now recommend to your honorable body the adoption of a joint resolution declaring that a state of war exists between the United States of America and the Kingdom of Spain, and I urge speedy action thereon, to the end that the definition of the international status of the United States as a belligerent power may be made known, and the assertion of all its rights and the maintenance of all its duties in the conduct of a public war may be assured.

WILLIAM McKINLEY. Executive Mansion, Washington, April 25, 1898.

WAR IS DECLARED.

The formal declaration of war as passed by the houses of Congress was short and pointed, worthy of recollection as a model for such unpleasant documents. It read as follows:

A BILL DECLARING THAT WAR EXISTS BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE KINGDOM OF SPAIN.

Be it enacted, etc.:

First—That war be and the same is hereby declared to exist and that war has existed since the 21st day of April, A. D. 1898, including said day, between the United States of America and the Kingdom of Spain.

Second—That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the United States and to call into the actual service of the United States the militia of the several States to such extent as may be necessary to carry this act into effect.

Diplomacy was still taking a hand in the war. Spain was indignant at the attack on Spanish possessions and endeavored to arouse sympathy among her European neighbors. The Queen Regent addressed telegrams to all the sovereigns of Europe protesting against the vitiation of the rights of Spain by the United States, and declaring that her government was firmly resolved never to yield until crushed. This was a personal communication from one sovereign to her brother sovereigns of the continental kingdom. At the same time there was made public Spain's memorandum to all the European powers which was an official utterance of the Spanish ministry and signed by Senor Gullon, the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs.

The memorandum began by recording the "moral and material aid the Cuban rebels have received from the United States" in filibustering expeditions and the operations of the junta. It mentioned Spain's repeated and positive denials to the allegations of cruelty toward the Cubans, and laid great stress upon President Cleveland's dispatch of Dec. 7, 1896, to the effect that peace would be possible if Spain gave a sufficient autonomy to Cuba.

The memorandum contended that, in the face of the new liberal constitution granted Cuba, which "has already borne fruits," it was difficult to understand why President McKinley, in his message of Dec. 6, 1897, and General Woodford, in the note of Dec. 20, 1897, should still doubt Spain's loyalty.

The document then spoke at some length of the Maine accident, and asserted that the Americans, under the pretext of the extra territoriality of the vessel, never allowed the Spanish authorities to visit the wreck for purposes of investigation; and it most solemnly asserted the absolute innocence of Spanish officials and of Spanish subjects generally.

The fairness and loyalty of Spain were then shown by a reference to the equitable treatment which American filibusters, more especially those of the Competitor, received at the hands of Spain, and in order to show more fully how pacific and correct have been the attitude of the Spanish government the memorandum enumerated the four clauses of the Spanish proposals. They were:

PROPOSALS OF SPAIN.

1. An offer to submit all questions arising from the Maine affair to arbitration.

2. An order to Governor-General Blanco to retire into the western provinces and to apply 3,000,000 pesetas for the relief of the agricultural population, with an acceptance by the Spanish government of relief for Cubans sent by the United States, provided such relief were sent in merchant vessels.

3. The co-operation of the Cuban parliament in formulating the extent of the powers to be reserved for the central government.

4. In view of the Cuban parliament not meeting before May 4, the proclamation of an immediate armistice.

The memorandum proceeded to declare that the United States had not accepted even these far-reaching concessions, and that the good offices of the pope had been equally unavailing. It asserted that the Maine accident was used by political parties in America as a means of hurling "most gratuitous and intolerable calumnies at the Spanish government," and yet, the document said, Mr. Olney, in an official note dated April 4, 1896, to the Spanish minister in Washington, himself expressed very serious apprehensions lest the only existing bond of union in Cuba should disappear in the event of Spain withdrawing from that island. Mr. Olney, as the memorandum argued, feared at that time that a war of races would ensue, all the more sanguinary in proportion to the experience and discipline acquired during the insurrection, and that two republics would at once be formed—one white, the other black—the upshot being that one of the two would swallow the other.

The grave view thus taken by Mr. Olney of the future of Cuba freed from Spain's rule was then enlarged upon, and inevitable racial wars were foreshadowed, which were "certain to wreck the existence of Cuba as a state, should Spain be deprived of sovereignty" over the island. Thus, being convinced, as Spain was, that right and equity are on her side "she will not and cannot surrender her sovereignty in Cuba."

TROUBLE FOR SPAIN AT HOME.

Spain's embarrassments at home were multiplying, and threatening danger only less than that from the hostilities of the United States. Twenty thousand republicans of all shades of opinion in Madrid signed and addressed to Senor Castelar, the republican leader, under the pretext of congratulating him upon his recovery from recent sickness, but in reality offering him their services if he would proclaim a republic.

At the same time Don Carlos, the pretender to the Spanish throne, was a disturbing element, threatening a revolution against the present dynasty if an opportunity were to offer.

During all these complications, which included at one time even a threat that the Spanish ministry would resign, there was no discordant note of any sort in the United States. Secretary of State John Sherman and Postmaster General Gary resigned from President McKinley's cabinet because of ill health, in order that the government might be in no way handicapped during the time of emergency. Secretary Sherman was succeeded by Assistant Secretary Judge William R. Day of Canton, Ohio, who had displayed remarkable aptitude for the office during his term of service, while Mr. Gary's successor was the Honorable Charles Emory Smith, of Philadelphia, a newspaper editor and formerly ambassador to Russia.

ALONG THE CUBAN COAST.

It was the torpedo boats which kept things exciting during the early blockade of Cuban ports. They are like hornets, which travel faster than anything that tries to escape them, sting when they strike, and vanish in an instant. Two of these brisk fighters distinguished themselves on Sunday, while the diplomats were busy in the cabinets of the world. The torpedo boat Porter, which is as fleet as an express train, has a dare-devil crew and an intrepid commander with an honored name. He is Lieutenant John C. Fremont, a son of the famous "Pathfinder," who himself never hesitated to lead the way, whether in