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قراءة كتاب The Americans as They Are Described in a tour through the valley of the Mississippi
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The Americans as They Are Described in a tour through the valley of the Mississippi
Transcriber’s Notes
Please note that the longitudes used in this text, which predates the establishment of Greenwich as the reference, used the nation’s capitol, Washington, D.C. (approx. W 77°) as its basis. Thus, Cincinnati, at W 84° 30′ on p. 1, is placed at a longitude of 7° 31′. Also, on p. 33, the location of the state of Indiana is mistakenly given using seconds (″) of longitude, rather than minutes (′). These were corrected.
The spelling of place names was fluid at the time and all are retained here.
Footnotes, which appeared on the bottom of pages, have been relocated to the end of the text. They have been lettered consecutively from A to K, and hyperlinked for ease of reference.
The cover of this book was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.
Please consult the transcriber’s end note at the bottom of this text for any other details.
THE
AMERICANS AS THEY ARE;
DESCRIBED IN
A TOUR
THROUGH THE VALLEY OF THE MISSISSIPPI.
BY THE AUTHOR OF
“AUSTRIA AS IT IS.”
LONDON:
HURST, CHANCE, AND CO.
ST. PAUL’S CHURCH YARD.
1828.
LONDON:
Printed by Bradbury and Dent,
St. Dunstan’s-ct., Fleet-st.
ADVERTISEMENT.
The publication of this tour was intended for the year 1827. Several circumstances have prevented it.
The American is, as far as relates to his own country, justly supposed to be prone to exaggeration. English travellers, on the contrary, are apt to undervalue brother Jonathan and his country. The Author has twice seen these countries, of whose present state he gives a sketch in the following pages. He is far from claiming for his work any sort of literary merit. Truth and practical observation are his chief points. Whether his opinions and statements are correct, it remains for the reader to judge, and experience to confirm.
London, March, 1828.
PREFACE.
Upwards of half a century has now elapsed since the independence of the United States became firmly established. During this period two great questions have been solved, exposing the fallacies of human calculations, which anticipated only present anarchy and ultimate dissolution as the fate of the new Republics. The possibility of a people governing themselves, and being prosperous and happy, time, the sure ordeal of all projects, has at length demonstrated. Their political infancy is over, they are approaching towards manhood, and fully sensible of their strength, their first magistrate has ventured to utter those important words contained in his address of 1820: that “notwithstanding their neutrality, they would consider any attempt on the part of the European Powers, to extend their system to any portion of their hemisphere, as dangerous to their peace and safety; and that they could not admit of any projects of colonization on the part of Europe.” Thus, for the first time, they have asserted their right of taking a part DE FACTO in the great transactions of European Powers, and pronounced their declaration in a tone, which has certainly contributed to the abandonment of those intentions which were fast ripening into execution.
The important influence of American liberty throughout the civilised world, has been already apparent; and more especially in France, in the South American revolutions, and in the commotions in Spain, Portugal, Naples, and Piedmont. These owe their origin, not to any instigation on the part of the United States, but to the influence of their example in raising the standard of freedom, and more than all, to the success which crowned their efforts. Great has been on the other hand, the influence of European politics on the North American nation. A party, existing since the revolution, and extending its ramifications over the whole United States, is now growing into importance, and guided by the principles of European diplomacy, is rooting itself deeper and deeper, drawing within its ranks the wealthy, the enlightened, the dissatisfied; thus adding every day to its strength. We see, in short, the principle of monarchy developing itself in the United States, and though it is not attempted to establish it by means of a revolution, which would infallibly fail, there is a design to bring it about by that cunning, cautious, and I may add, American way, which must eventually succeed; unless the spirit of freedom be sufficiently powerful to neutralize the subtle poison in its progress, or to triumph over its revolutionary results. There have occurred many changes in the United States within the last ten years. The present rulers have succeeded in so amalgamating opinions, that whatever may be said to the contrary, only two parties are now in existence. These are the monarchists, who would become governors, and the republicans, who would not be governed.
The object proposed in the following pages has been to exhibit to the eyes of the European world, the real state of American affairs, divested of all prejudice, and all party spirit. Adams on the whole is a favourite with Great Britain. This empire however, has no reason to admire him; should his plans succeed, the cost to Great Britain would be the loss of her last possession in North America. But as long as the American Republic continues united, this unwieldy mass of twenty-four states can never become dangerous.
Of the different orders of society, there is yet little to be said, but they are developing themselves as fast as wealth, ambition, luxury, and the sciences on the one side, and poverty, ignorance, and indirect oppression on the other, will permit them. There, as every where else, this is the natural course of things. To show the state of society in general, and the relative bearings of the different classes to each other, and thus to afford a clear idea of what the United States really are, is the second object attempted in this work. To represent social intercourse and prevailing habits in such a manner as to enable the future emigrant to follow the prescribed track, and to settle with security and advantage to himself and to his new country; to afford him the means of judging for himself, by giving him a complete view of public and private life in general, as well as of each profession or business in particular, is the third object here contemplated.
The capitalist, the merchant, the farmer, the physician, the lawyer, the mechanic, cannot fail, I trust, to find adequate information respecting the course which, on their settling in the Union, will be the most eligible to pursue. Farther explanation I think unnecessary. He who would consider the following condensed picture of Trans-atlantic society and manners insufficient, would not be better informed, if I were to enlarge the work to twice its size. Such an objection would shew him to be unfit to adventure in the character of a settler in a country where so many snares will beset his path, and call for no small degree of natural shrewdness and penetration.