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Title: The Pan-Angles A Consideration of the Federation of the Seven English-Speaking Nations

Author: Sinclair Kennedy

Release Date: March 8, 2014 [EBook #45080]

Language: English

*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PAN-ANGLES ***

Produced by James McCormick

THE PAN-ANGLES

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THE PAN-ANGLES

A CONSIDERATION OF THE FEDERATION OF THE SEVEN ENGLISH-SPEAKING NATIONS

BY

SINCLAIR KENNEDY

WITH A MAP

SECOND IMPRESSION

LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO.

FOURTH AVENUE & 30TH STREET, NEW YORK

LONDON, BOMBAY. CALCUTTA AND MADRAS

1915

All Rights Reserved

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TO

THE PAN-ANGLES

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PREFATORY NOTE

THE Author is indebted to the following publishers and authors for kind permission to make quotations from copyright matter: to Mr. Edward Arnold for Colonial Nationalism, by Richard Jebb; to Mr. B. H. Blackwell for Imperial Architects, by A. L. Burt; to the Delegates of the Clarendon Press for Federations and Unions, by H. E. Egerton; to Messrs. Constable & Co. for Alexander Hamilton, by F. S. Oliver, and The Nation and the Empire, edited by Lord Milner; to the publishers of the Encyclopedia Britannica; to Messrs. Macmillan & Co. for Seeley's Expansion of England, and G. L. Parkin's Imperial Federation; to Admiral Mahan; to Mr. John Murray for English Colonization and Empire, by A. Caldecott; to Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons Ltd. for The Union of South Africa, by W. B. Worsfold; to the Executors of the late W. T. Stead for the Last Will and Testament of C. J. Rhodes; to Messrs. H. Stevens, Son, & Stiles for Thomas Pownall, by C. A. W. Pownall; to Messrs. Houghton, Mifflin Company for Thayer's John Marshall and Woodrow Wilson's Mere Literature; to Messrs. D. C. Heath & Co. for Woodrow Wilson's The State; to Messrs. G. P. Putnam's Sons for The Works of Benjamin Franklin, edited by John Bigelow; to the Yale University Press for Popular Government, by W. H. Taft; and also to The Times; The Round Table; The Outlook; and The Springfield Weekly Republican.

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FOREWORD

THE English-speaking, self-governing white people of the world in 1914 number upwards of one hundred and forty-one millions. Since December 24, 1814, there has been unbroken peace between the two independent groups of this race—a fact that contravenes the usual historical experiences of peoples between whom there has been uninterrupted communication during so long an epoch. The last few decades have seen increasingly close understandings between both the governments and the peoples of this civilization.

In 1900 the British navy controlled the seas—all seas. From 1910 to 1914 the British navy has controlled the North Sea only.[vii-1] Some doubt whether this control can long be maintained. If it is lost, the British Empire is finished.[vii-2] The adhesion of the dependencies to their various governments and also the voluntary cohesion of the self-governing units would be at an end. "The disorders which followed the fall of Rome would be insignificant compared with those which would {viii} ensue were the British Empire to break in pieces."[viii-1] Such a splitting up would place each English-speaking nation in an exposed position, and would strengthen its rivals, Germany, Japan, Russia, and China. It would compel America to protect with arms, or to abandon to its enemies, not only the countries to which the Monroe Doctrine has been considered as applicable, but those lands still more important to the future of our race, New Zealand and Australia. If this catastrophe is to be averted, the English-speaking peoples must regain control of the seas.

These pages are concerned with the English-speaking people of 1914. Here will be found no jingoism, if this be defined as a desire to flaunt power for its own sake; no altruism, if this means placing the welfare of others before one's own; and no sentiment except that which leads to self-preservation. No technical discussion of military or naval power is here attempted. The purpose of these pages is to indicate some of the common heritages of these English-speaking peoples, their need of land and their desire for the sole privilege of taxing themselves for their own purposes and in their own way.

Federation is here recognized as the method by which English-speaking people ensure the freedom of the individual. It utilizes ideals and methods common to them all. Where it has been applied, it fulfils its dual purpose of protecting the group and leaving the individual unhampered.

This consideration may appear to the political {ix} economist to be merely a few comments on one instance of the relationship of the food supply to the excess of births over deaths; to the international politician, as notes on the struggles of the English-speaking race; and to the business man, as hints on present and future markets and the maintenance of routes thereto. Books could be written on each of these and kindred topics. This is not any one of such treatises, but a statement of only a few aspects of a huge question.

To Benjamin Franklin may be given the credit of initiating the thesis of these pages, for he foresaw in 1754 the need of a single government based on the representation of both the American and British groups of self-governing English-speaking people. Possibly there were others before him. Certainly there have been many since. Some have been obscured by time. Others, like Cecil John Rhodes, stand out brilliantly. These men visioned the whole race without losing sight of their own local fragment. They saw the need of blocking intra-race frictions in order to maintain our inter-race supremacy. They spoke the English language, and held by the ideals of English-speaking men—proud of their race.

To such as these, wherever they are found, owing affection to the British and American flags which they protect, and which protect them from others, this discussion is addressed. It is a family appeal in terms familiar to the family here called—the Pan-Angles.

SINCLAIR KENNEDY.

BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS.

January 17, 1914.

[vii-1] Cf. Round Table, London, May 1911, p. 247.

[vii-2] Round Table, London, November 1910, p. 27: "Directly the British Empire is doubtful of its supremacy by sea its full liberty will disappear, even if there has been no war."

[viii-1] United Empire, London, January 1914, J. G. Lockhart, "The Meaning of British Imperialism," p. 53.

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CONTENTS

FOREWORD