currents of men and ieas that move along river valleys. They are regions of much labor and little leisure, of poverty today and anxiety for the morrow, of toil-cramped hands and toil-dulled brains. In the fertile alluvial plains are wealth, leisure, contact with many minds, large urban centers where commodities and ideas are exchanged.

The origins of genius have also engaged the attention of speculative thinkers. For instance, Dixon (4) and also Hirsch (7) offer the hypothesis that racial mixture is an antecedent of genius. Kretschmer (8) would by inference subscribe to this theory, since he holds that genetically genius results from the union of unlike elements, to which he refers as "bastardization":

The investigation of the family history of highly talented individuals demonstrates very clearly the effect of biological "bastardization," and shows why it may lead to the production of genius. . . . It results in a complicated psychological structure, in which the components of two strongly opposing germs remain in polar tension throughout life. . . . This polar tension acts as an effective and dynamic factor and produces in the genius the labile equlibrium, the effective super-pressure, that continuous, restless impulsiveness, which carries him far beyond placid, traditional practice and the simple satisfaction of life. On the other hand, in regard to his intellectual abilities, the polar tension creates in the genius his wide mental horizon, the diverse and complicated wealth of his talent, the all-embracing personality.

Kretschmer also allies himself with those who hold the concept of genius as closely related to insanity, quoting selected cases in proof:

"Bastardization" produces internal contrasts and conflicts, affects tensions, highly strung and uncompensated passions, and a spiritual lability. It consequently creates a predisposition to genius . . . but also [[points]] to psycho-pathological complications. Thus the research on "bastardization" becomes closely interwoven with the old, familiar questions, leading us back to the problem: "Genius and Insanity."

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. ALGER, WILLIAM. The Genius of Solitude, page 144.

2. CARREL, ALEXIS. Man the Unknown. See pages 140-141. Harper & Brothers, New York; 1935.

3. CHURCHILL, ELLEN SEMPLE. The Influence of Geographic Environment on the Basis of Ratzel's System of Anthropogeography. Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston; 1909.

4. DIXON, ROLAND B. The Racial History of Man. Charles Scribner's Sons, New York; 1923.

5. ELLIS, HAVELOCK. A Study of British Genius. Constable, London; 1927.

6. GALTON, FRANCIS. Hereditary Genius. The Macmillan Company, London; 1914.

7. HIRSCH, N. D. M. Genius and Creative Intelligence. Sci-Art Publisher, Cambridge, Massachusetts; 1931.

8. KRETSCHMER, E. The Psychology of Men of Genius. Translated by R. B. Cattell. Harcourt, Brace & Co., Inc., New York; 1931.

9. LEHMAN, HARVEY C. "The Creative Years in Science and Literature." Scientific Monthly (August, 1936).

10. LOMBROSO, C. The Man of Genius. Scott, London; 1891.

11. MILL, JOHN STUART. Essay on Liberty. See page 76 ff. The Macmillan Company, New York; 1926 Ed.

12. OVIDIUS NASO, PUBLIUS. Ars Amatoria (The Love Books of Ovid). Translated by J. Lewis May. Privately printed for the Rarity Press, New York; 1930.

13. QUETELET, M. Letters on Probability. Translated by Downes. Layton & Co., London; 1849.

14. SCHOPENHAUER, ARTHUR. "Essay on Genius," in The Art of Literature, Essays of Arthur Schopenhauer. Willey Book Company, New York.

15. SHAW, GEORGE BERNARD. Saint Joan. Dodd, Mead, & Co., Inc., New York; 1924, 1936.

16. WELDON, W. F. R. "Certain Correlated Variations in Crangdon Vulgaris," Proceedings of The Royal Society, Vol. 51, page 2 (1892).

[1] See endnote [1] in Preface.

[2] Numbers in parentheses refer to correspondingly numbered references in the Bibliography at the end of each chapter.

CHAPTER TWO EARLY SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF EMINENT ADULTS [1]

Because, strictly speaking, the present study is limited in its interest and data to childhood, no attempt will be made to review in detail the somewhat numerous studies of exceptional adults.

ORIGIN OF EMINENT ADULTS

Such studies as those undertaken by Galton (11, 12), De Candolle (9), Ellis (10), Odin (17), and Cattell (4, 5) show that those who, as adults, become eminent in intellectual work, are in disproportionately great numbers the children of the "upper" (nobler or professional) classes; and that they are usually born either in cities or on large country estates (in France, in the chateaux). Very few eminent adults have originated in the families of laborers, and relatively few have been born in agricultural districts, in countries long settled. Beyond these facts of origin, the investigators of eminence in adults have not given much information about their subjects of inquiry in respect to childhood.

YODER'S STUDY

We shall begin our detailed reference to previous observations with Yoder's study, published in 1898. Yoder (25) made a systematic attempt to gather data about the boyhood of very eminent men. He thus tracked down certain facts about fifty great persons concerning whom he could find data bearing on their childhood. From these he was able to make the following generalizations:

1. The child who will become a great man may be born at any time, over a very wide range of the productive period in the lives of parents. The mothers of the fifty great persons studied ranged in age from 18 to 44 years, when the great man was born, with a median of 29.8 years. The fathers ranged in age from 23 to 60 years, with a median of 37.7 years.

2. The average number of siblings of these persons was 5+, not including half brothers and sisters.

3. In families of more than one child, there was found to be a strong tendency (chances of nearly 2 to 1) for the great man to be in the elder half of the siblings.

4. Of those listed, 17 were only sons, either by order of birth or by death of other sons born. (This is not to say that they were only children.)

5. There was found no evidence that the great were sickly or physically weak in childhood, to a more marked extent than average.

6. There appeared a tendency to great height among them than among persons in general, "though the tendency is not very marked."

7. Play interests were keen among these children, though the play was often of an unusual kind. "Solitary play" is repeatedly described. Of Emerson, his biographer says: "I don't think he ever engaged in boys' plays, not because of any physical disability, but simply because from earliest years he dwelt in a higher sphere." Others are said to have been "disinclined to general intercourse." Instead of joining in the usual childish games, Newton preferred to play with his machines, Darwin with his collections, Shelley to read, Stevenson to make clay engines, and Edison to mix his chemicals. Of Byron it was written: "The love of solitude and of meditation is already traceable in the child. He loves to wander at night among the dark and solitary cloisters of the abbey." To quote