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قراءة كتاب The religious and loyal subject's duty considered: with regard to the present Government and the Revolution A sermon preached in the Cathedral Church of Canterbury, on Wednesday, January 30, 1722-3

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‏اللغة: English
The religious and loyal subject's duty considered: with regard to the present Government and the Revolution
A sermon preached in the Cathedral Church of Canterbury,
on Wednesday, January 30, 1722-3

The religious and loyal subject's duty considered: with regard to the present Government and the Revolution A sermon preached in the Cathedral Church of Canterbury, on Wednesday, January 30, 1722-3

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دار النشر: Project Gutenberg
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that from the beginning of those unhappy troubles, or very soon after, there was a party of desperate men, who had in view

the utter subversion of the establish'd government, and were resolved to stick at no villany that might conduce to the accomplishing their end. But their numbers in those early days, were much too small to bring about the change they aim'd at, or even to protect them from the just vengeance which the nation would certainly have taken upon them, had they then dar'd to own their intentions. Wherefore they found it necessary to cover their real designs, under the specious pretences of remeding abuses, and securing the liberties of the people, and rectifying what was amiss both in church and state.

By this artifice, multitudes of undiscerning and unwary people, were drawn into their assistance, and to a criminal union with them, and when these instruments of theirs had for a considerable time been accustomed to traduce the King and his ministers, exceedingly to aggravate the errors they had committed, and to charge them with odious designs, which they knew nothing of, to brand all who honestly adher'd to the King and the

ancient constitution, with names and characters of reproach, and to terrify them not only by threatnings, but by outrages and tumults; when they had broken forth into open rebellion against their soveraign, and in contradiction to the lawful oaths, which they were under to him, had bound themselves by unlawful covenants and associations, not to rest till they had compelled him to comply with such alterations as they judged expedient; when they had laid wast their country, and shed much christian blood in their unjust quarrel, and had several times rejected the gracious overtures of peace made to them by the King, when by these means the breach between him and them was so widen'd, that it was hardly possible to compose it upon conditions safe and honourable to them both; when by long familiarity, with disloyalty and treason, the consciences of great numbers of men, were harden'd, and grown perfectly insensible; and when the enemies of the King had got into their hands the whole power of the nation, and his friends could no

longer make head against them; then was it a proper time for the contrivers and directors of all this mischief, to discover to those who had been subservient to them their true designs against the person and government of the King. And doubtless there were many concurring and assisting to the monstrous wickedness, the punishment of which, we do this day deprecate, who, had it been propos'd to them some years before, would have been struck with horror at the mention of it, and who could no otherwise have been made capable of committing it, than by being artfully trailed on, step by step, from the meddling with them that are given to change, to the becoming such themselves, from one perjury to another perjury, and from less treasons to greater.

It is true too, that many who had been active, both in kindling and prosecuting the war, were startl'd at the unprecedented proceedings against the person of the King, and publickly express'd their dislike of them. But fruitless protestations were but pitiful compensations

for the successful services they had done to his murtherers, whom they had continued to assist and strengthen, till it was to no purpose to make opposition to them. It was then out of their power to undo the mischiefs which they had been the authors of, or to hinder others from making a farther use of them, than they themselves had intended. Thus were they unawares made instrumental to the shedding the innocent and sacred blood of their soveraign; the guilt of which horrible deed must be imputed not only to those who were immediately concerned in it, and consenting to it, but in a lower degree to those also, who made way for it, by the unwarrantable practices, which have been already mentioned.

The greater reason have we, brethren, to be exceeding careful not to tread in their steps, lest we also fall in like manner as they fell. Their miscarriages are our admonitions, and we shall be more inexcusable than they, if instead of taking warning by them, we follow their example.

I am sensible it will be said, That we do imitate them, at the same time that we blame them; that the prayers which we have now offered for the averting the divine wrath due to the sin of this day, and for the safety and prosperity of our present gracious soveraign, are a contradiction to one another; and that the late revolution was a return to the principles of those who were concerned in the great rebellion. And there are two sorts of men, who, tho' opposite enough to each other, will be apt to concur in making this objection: the one with a design to justify the murther of the Royal Martyr, or at least the measures which prepared the way for it; the other with an intention to condemn the happy revolution, upon which our present settlement is founded.

Now, to what hath been already observed, with a view to this objection, I need only to add, That these two cases, which some would fain have us believe to be nearly alike, are widely different.

It is well known, That the rebellion against King Charles the first was begun, when all grievances (which in his reign were far from amounting to a total subversion of the constitution) had been fully redressed and repaired. And it was the declared resolution of those who engaged in it, not to defend, but to change the laws and settled form of government, and to encroach upon the just rights of their soveraign; who laboured indefatigably to maintain the established laws and government; who by the laws, to which he had without compulsion consented, had given sufficient proof, that he was as willing to secure his peoples rights as his own; and who was so far from affecting power, that did not belong to him, that his greatest weakness was, that he did not hold fast the rains of government in his hands, but parted with his authority too easily, and made too large concessions to those who were not disposed to make him suitable returns. When the rebels had got the mastery, they then actually compleated a far greater change, than they

had at first professed to desire. A high court of justice was erected for the judging and condemning the King himself as a criminal; the whole royal family were excluded from succeeding to the crown; and kingly government itself was declared against and abolished, and several illegal forms of government were one after another set up in the room of it.

But in the reign of the late King James, no redress of grievances, no opportunity of redressing them in a parliamentary way, could be obtained. Instead of being removed they were justified by pretending, that the King had a power to dispense with the laws at pleasure. And it was very visible that the King and his ministers governed by this pernicious and tyrannical maxim. Now this was plainly a subversion of the constitution, by changing the government from limited to absolute, from legal to arbitrary. When the power of the people prevailed, they made it very evident, that the motive to the measures they had then taken was necessity, and not the being given to

change. No remedy was so much as sought for against the person of the King. No prejudice was manifested

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