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HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.
BY
HENRY THOMAS BUCKLE.
IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
NEW EDITION.
TORONTO:
ROSE-BELFORD PUBLISHING COMPANY,
60 YORK STREET.
1878.
ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I. OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE FRENCH INTELLECT FROM THE MIDDLE OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY TO THE ACCESSION TO POWER OF LOUIS XIV. PAGE Importance of the question, as to whether the historian should begin with studying the normal or the abnormal condition of society 1–3 Greater power of the church in France than in England 4 Hence in France during the sixteenth century everything was more theological than in England 6–8 Hence, too, toleration was impossible in France 9–11 But at the end of the sixteenth century scepticism appeared in France, and with it toleration began, as was seen in the Edict of Nantes 11–15 The first sceptic was not Rabelais, but Montaigne 15–18 Continuation of the movement by Charron 18–21 Henry IV. encouraged the Protestants 23–24 And they were tolerated even by the queen-regent during the minority of Louis XIII. 24–26 The most remarkable steps in favour of toleration were, however, taken by Richelieu, who effectually humbled the church 27–34 He supported the new secular scheme of government against the old ecclesiastical scheme 34–42 His liberal treatment of the Protestants 42–46 They are deserted by their temporal leaders, and the management of the party falls into the hands of the clergy 46–51 Hence the French Protestants, being headed by the clergy, become more intolerant than the French Catholics, who are headed by statesmen 51–55 Evidence of the illiberality of the French Protestants 55–72 They raise a civil war, which was a struggle of classes rather than of creeds 73 Richelieu put down the rebellion, but still abstained from persecuting the Protestants 73–76 This liberal policy on the part of the government was only part of a much larger movement 76–77 Illustration of this from the philosophy of Descartes 77–92 Analogy between Descartes and Richelieu 92–93 The same anti-ecclesiastical spirit was exhibited by their contemporaries 93–95 And by Mazarin 96–98 It was also seen in the wars of the Fronde 99–102 But notwithstanding all this, there was a great
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difference between France and England; and the prevalence of the protective spirit prevented the French from becoming free 102–107 CHAPTER II. HISTORY OF THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT, AND COMPARISON OF IT IN FRANCE AND ENGLAND. About the eleventh century the spirit of inquiry began to weaken the church 108–110 Coinciding with this, the feudal system and an hereditary aristocracy appeared 110–112 The nobles displace the clergy, and celibacy is opposed by the principle of hereditary rank 112 In England the nobles were less powerful than in France 113–116 And were glad to ally themselves with the people against the crown 116–118 Hence a spirit of popular independence unknown in France, where the nobles were too powerful to need the help of the people 118–119 Effects of this difference between the two countries in the fourteenth century 119–122 Centralization was in France the natural successor of feudality 122–126 This state contrasted with that of England 126–127 Power of the French nobles 128–131 Illustration from the history of chivalry 131–135 Another illustration from the vanity of the French and pride of the English 135–137 Also from the practice of duelling 137 The pride of Englishmen encouraged the Reformation 138 Analogy between the Reformation and the revolutions of the seventeenth century 138–139 Both were opposed by the clergy and nobles. Natural alliance between these two classes 139–142 In the reign of Elizabeth both classes were weakened 143–146 James I. and Charles I. vainly attempted to restore their power 147 CHAPTER III. THE ENERGY OF THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT IN FRANCE EXPLAINS THE FAILURE OF THE FRONDE. COMPARISON BETWEEN THE FRONDE AND THE CONTEMPORARY ENGLISH REBELLION. Difference between the Fronde and the great English rebellion 148–150 The English rebellion was a war of classes 150–159 But in France the energy of the protective spirit and the power of the nobles made a war of classes impossible 160–162 Vanity and imbecility of the French nobles 162–170 As such men were the leaders of the Fronde, the rebellion naturally failed 167–173 But the English rebellion succeeded because it was a democratic movement headed by popular leaders
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tag="{http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml}a">174–175 CHAPTER IV. THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT CARRIED BY LOUIS XIV. INTO LITERATURE. EXAMINATION OF THE CONSEQUENCES OF THIS ALLIANCE BETWEEN THE INTELLECTUAL CLASSES AND THE GOVERNING CLASSES. The protective spirit in France, having produced these political evils, was carried into literature under Louis XIV., and caused an alliance between literature and government 176–177 Servility in the reign of Louis XIV. 177–181 Men of letters grateful to Louis XIV. 182 But his system of protecting literature is injurious 183–188 Its first effect was to stop the progress of science 188–192 Even in mechanical arts nothing was effected 192–194 Decline in physiology, in surgery, and in medicine 194–197 Also in zoology and in chemistry 197 Nor was anything done in botany 198–202 Intellectual decay under Louis XIV. was seen in every department of thought, and was the natural consequence of patronage 202–205 Illustrations from the history of French art 205–208 And from every branch of literature 208–210 Universal decline of France during the latter part of the reign of Louis XIV. 210–212 CHAPTER V. DEATH OF LOUIS XIV. REACTION AGAINST THE PROTECTIVE SPIRIT, AND PREPARATIONS FOR THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. English literature unknown in France in the reign of Louis XIV. 213–214 But began to be studied after his death, when the most eminent Frenchmen visited England. This caused a junction of French and English intellects 215–227 Admiration of England expressed by Frenchmen 228–229 Hence liberal opinions in France, which the government attempted to stifle 229 Consequent persecution of literary men by the French government 230–242 Violence of the government 242–246 In France literature was the last resource of liberty 246–247 Reasons why literary men at first attacked the church and not the government 247–253 Hence they were led to assail Christianity 254–258 But until the middle of the reign of Louis XV. the political institutions of France might have been saved; after that period all was over 258–259 CHAPTER VI. STATE OF HISTORICAL LITERATURE IN FRANCE FROM THE END OF THE SIXTEENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. Historical literature in France before the end of the sixteenth century
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tag="{http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml}a">261–265 Improvement in the method of writing history late in the sixteenth century 266–267 Still further progress early in the seventeenth century 268–270 Which became more marked in Mezeray's history in 1643 271–272 Retrograde movement under Louis XIV. 273–279 Illustration of this from the work of Audigier 279–282 And from that of Bossuet 282–291 Immense improvements introduced by Voltaire 292–313 His History of Charles XII. 292–295 His Age of Louis XIV. 296–297 His Morals, Manners, and Character of Nations 297–298 His views adopted by Mallet, Mably, Velly, Villaret, Duclos, and Hénault 299–300 His habit of looking at epochs 301 A remark of his adopted by Constant 302 He advocated free trade 304 His anticipation of Malthus 304–305 His attack on the Middle Ages 305–306 And on the pedantic admirers of antiquity 306–308 He weakened the authority of mere scholars and theologians 308–309 Who had repeated the most childish absurdities respecting the early history of Rome 309–310 In attacking which Voltaire anticipated Niebuhr 310–313 Ignorant prejudice against him in England 313 His vast labours were aided by Montesquieu 314 The works of Montesquieu, and value of his method 314–319 The discourses of Turgot, and their influence 320–321 All this hastened the advance of the French Revolution 321–322 CHAPTER VII. PROXIMATE CAUSES OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AFTER THE MIDDLE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. Recapitulation of preceding views 323 Difference between certainty and precision 324–326 The intellect of France began to attack the state about 1750
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tag="{http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml}a">326–327 Rise of the political economists 327–330 Influence of Rousseau 330–331 Just at the same time the government began to attack the church 332–334 And to favour religious toleration 334–336 Abolition of the Jesuits 336–346 Calvinism is democratic; Arminianism is aristocratic 339–342 Jansenism being allied to Calvinism, its revival in France aided the democratic movement, and secured the overthrow of the Jesuits, whose doctrines are Arminian 343–345 After the fall of the Jesuits the ruin of the French clergy was inevitable 347–348 But was averted for a time by the most eminent Frenchmen directing their hostility against the state rather than against the church 349–351 Connexion between this movement and the rise of atheism 351–353 Same tendency exhibited in Helvétius 353–357 And in Condillac 357–360 The ablest Frenchmen concentrate their attention on the external world 360–361 Effects of this on the sciences of heat, light, and electricity 361–363 Also on chemistry and geology 364–373 In England during the same period there was a dearth of great thinkers 374–375 But in France immense impetus was given to zoology by Cuvier and Bichat 375–376 Bichat's views respecting the tissues 377–421 Connexion between these views and subsequent discoveries 383–386 Relation between inventions, discoveries, and method; and immense importance of Bichat's method 386–389 Bichat's work on life 390–395 Great and successful efforts made by the French in Botany 395–399 And in mineralogy by De Lisle and Haüy 399–403 Analogy between this and Pinel's work on insanity 403–404 All these vast results were part of the causes of the French Revolution 405 Physical science is essentially democratic 406–410 The same democratic tendency was observable in changes of dress 410–412 And in the establishment of clubs
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href="@public@vhost@g@gutenberg@html@files@44494@[email protected]#Page_412" class="pginternal" tag="{http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml}a">412–415 Influence of the American Rebellion 415–418 Summary of the causes of the French Revolution 418–420 General reflections 420–424 CHAPTER VIII. OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF THE SPANISH INTELLECT FROM THE FIFTH TO THE MIDDLE OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. In the preceding Chapters four propositions have been established 425–426 The truth of which may be further verified by studying the history of Spain 426 In Spain, superstition is encouraged by physical phenomena 426–434 It was also encouraged by the great Arian war with France 434–439 And, subsequently, by the war with the Mohammedans 439–444 These three causes influenced the policy of Ferdinand and Isabella 444–446 Continuation of the same policy by Charles V. and by Philip II. 446–453 Philip II., notwithstanding his repulsive qualities, was loved by the nation 453–455 Their affection for him was the result of general causes, which, during several centuries, have made the Spaniards the most loyal people in Europe 455 Origin of Spanish loyalty, and evidence of it 455–461 Loyalty became united with superstition, and each strengthened the other 461–462 In consequence of this union, great foreign conquests were made, and a great military spirit was developed 461–465 But this sort of progress, depending too much upon individuals, is necessarily unstable 465–466 The progress of England, on the other hand, depends upon the ability of the nation, and therefore, continues, whether individual rulers are skilful, or whether they are unskilful 466–467 In Spain, the ruling classes were supreme; the people counted for nothing; and hence the grandeur of the country, which was raised up by the able princes of the sixteenth century, was as quickly pulled down by the weak princes of the seventeenth 467–472 The decay of Spain, in the seventeenth century, was connected with the increasing influence of the clergy 472–483 The first use which the clergy made of their power was to expel all the Moors 483–496 Effect of this expulsion in impoverishing Spain 497–499 ODecline of manufactures, and of population, and increase of poverty 499–511 In 1700, when affairs were at their worst, the Austrian dynasty was succeeded by the Bourbon 513–514 Spain was now ruled by foreigners 514–520 Who endeavoured to improve the country by weakening the
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church 521–525 But the authority of the church had so enfeebled the national intellect, that the people, immersed in ignorance, remained inert 525–543 Government attempted to remedy this ignorance by calling in foreign aid 534–545 The influence of foreigners in Spain was displayed in the expulsion of the Jesuits, in 1767 545–546 And in the attacks made on the Inquisition 547–548 It was also displayed in the foreign policy of Spain 548–550 All this was promoted by the authority and high character of Charles III. 552–554 But it was of no avail; because politicians can do nothing, when the spirit of the country is against them 534–555 Still, Charles III. effected great improvements, from which, on a superficial view, permanent benefit might have been expected 555–568 Summary of what was accomplished for Spain, by the government, between the years 1700 and 1788 568–570 Inasmuch, however, as these ameliorations were opposed to the habits of the national character, a reaction was inevitable 570–571 In 1788, Charles III. was succeeded by Charles IV., and the new king, being a true Spaniard, the reaction began 571–573 In the nineteenth century, political reformers again endeavoured to improve Spain 574 For the reasons already stated, their efforts were fruitless, notwithstanding the early establishment in that country of municipal privileges, and of popular representation 575–576 In this way, general causes always triumph over particular actions 577–578 Those general causes predetermined the country to superstition, and it was impossible for individuals to make head against them 578–583 Nothing can weaken superstition but knowledge 583 Such failures are the more observable, because Spain enjoys immense natural advantages 583–585 And has possessed great patriots and great legislators 585 The Spaniards have, moreover, long been celebrated for honour, courage, temperance, humanity, and religious sincerity 585–588 So far, however, as national progress is concerned, these noble qualities are useless, while ignorance is so gross and so general 588–592 This it is, which, isolating Spain from the rest of the civilized world, keeps alive that spirit of superstition, that reverence for antiquity, and that blind and servile loyalty, which, as long as they last, will render improvement impossible; and which must last until ignorance is removed 592–597
HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.