THE GERMAN EMPEROR
AS SHOWN
IN HIS PUBLIC UTTERANCES
BY
CHRISTIAN GAUSS
PROFESSOR Of MODERN LANGUAGES, PRINCETON UNIVERSITY
NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS
1915
Copyright, 1915, by
CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS
Published February, 1915
PREFACE
Unlike his grandfather, who shielded himself behind his Chancellor, the present Emperor has always insisted upon making himself the storm-centre of the debates in his Reichstag and among his people. He has played with many, if not all, of his cards upon the table. In accordance with this policy he has gone through his country from end to end and into foreign lands, everywhere announcing his policies and his views on every possible subject of interest or controversy. Up to 1905 he had made upward of five hundred and seventy speeches, and since that time has made almost as many more. It was manifestly impossible to give all of these speeches, and it was also thought unfair to give merely extracts which might fail to represent the spirit of the entire pronouncement. They are all printed, therefore, in the completest form available. Particular speeches have often been reported to the press in widely differing versions. In all cases only those speeches are here presented which have received official or semiofficial sanction. The text followed for pronouncements made before 1913, with the one exception of the Daily Telegraph interview, October 29, 1908, has always been that of the recognized and standard edition in four volumes, edited by J. Penzler and published in the Reclam Universal-Bibliothek. Now and then only portions of certain addresses appear to have been reported, and on a few occasions parts of speeches are given directly and other parts are merely summarized. In all such cases the speech is translated from the form sanctioned in the official version. In no case has any change been made. Where significant differences exist in the versions of addresses as given officially and unofficially, the official version is in every instance printed first. It has been the aim to present faithfully the language and spirit of the speaker, and his phraseology and emphasis have been reproduced as closely as was at all consistent with fair English usage. The speeches have been chosen to represent in due proportion his many interests, and range therefore from agriculture and art to Biblical criticism, national and international politics.
The Emperor has, of course, not given titles to his speeches, and the headings have been assigned by the compiler. It has been his aim to explain the circumstances under which each address was delivered and to make plain the references to events embodied therein. Questions which have had a continuous interest, or which have had some lasting effect on Germany’s policy, such as the attitude toward Alsace-Lorraine, the Social Democratic party, the retirement of Bismarck, the development of the navy, the Morocco question, have been treated at greater length on the first fitting occasion. For the introductions, therefore, the compiler assumes responsibility. In preparing them he has had recourse to many incidental sources of information, and in many cases the true inwardness of certain situations is still as much a matter of controversy as the causes of the present war. For his facts generally, he has followed where possible, besides such incidental and contemporary sources, Bruno Gebhardt’s “Handbuch der Deutschen Geschichte” (1913), the “Cambridge Modern History—The Latest Age,” volume XII (1910), and the volumes of the “Statesman’s Yearbook.” In addition, for information concerning the internal development of Germany he has consulted and drawn upon the literature of this subject which has appeared in the last decade, but is more particularly indebted to Doctor Paul Liman’s “Der Kaiser,” Dawson’s “The Evolution of Modern Germany,” Barker’s “Modern Germany,” Price Collier’s “Germany and the Germans,” Forbes’s “William of Germany,” Gibbons’s “The New Map of Europe,” and the “Reichsgesetzblatt.”
As the Emperor has spoken upon almost every phase of German political life, with the editorial introductions which aim to set forth briefly the occasion and causes of each address, it is hoped that altogether the volume will offer a fairly accurate picture of the trend of German affairs for the last twenty-five years.
For help in the preparation of this volume, the writer is much indebted to his wife, whose assistance has amounted to collaboration.
Princeton, N. J.
December 20, 1914.
CONTENTS
June 15, 1888—October 30, 1889. 25 The First Official Act of the Emperor
Schloss Friedrichskron, June 15, 1888. 25 To My People
Potsdam, June 18, 1888. 28 First Declaration of Policy
Berlin, June 25, 1888. 31 Opening of the Reichstag
November 22, 1888. 39
May 14, 1889. 45 Visit of the King of Italy
Berlin, May 22, 1889. 47 The English Fleet and the German Army
Sandown Bay, August 5, 1889. 48 The English Army
Aldershot, August 7, 1889. 49 The Czar at Berlin
Berlin, October 11, 1889. 50 On Board an English Flag-Ship
The Piræus, October 30, 1889. 51 III After Bismarck
May 6, 1890—June 21, 1895. 53 Opening of the Reichstag
Berlin, May 6, 1890. 53 Review of the Ninth Army Corps
Flensburg, September 4, 1890. 60 Accidents with Agricultural Machinery
Berlin, November 11, 1890. 62 Alsace-Lorraine
Berlin, March 14, 1891. 66 Swearing in the Recruits
Potsdam, November 23, 1891. 72 The Emperor’s First Army Bill
Berlin, July 4, 1893. 75 Arrival in Metz
Metz, September 3, 1893. 80 Dedication of Flags
Berlin, October 18, 1894. 81 Navy Recruits
Kiel, December 3, 1894. 84 Christening of a Cruiser
Kiel, March 26, 1895. 86 Visit to Bismarck
Friedrichsruh, March 26, 1895. 87 Opening of the Emperor William Canal
Kiel, June 21, 1895. 91 IV The Beginning of World Politics
June 16, 1896—March 22, 1905. 95 The Beginning of World Politics
Berlin, June 16, 1896. 95 To the Recruits for the Navy
Wilhelmshaven, February 21, 1896. 103 A Toast to the Russian Emperor and Empress
St. Petersburg, August 8, 1897. 104 The Army Tradition
Coblentz, August 30, 1897. 106
Homburg, September 4, 1897. 109 Address at a Dedication of Flags
Berlin, October 18, 1897. 111 On Administering the Oath to the Recruits
Berlin, November 18, 1897. 113 The Chinese Situation and the Mailed Fist
December 15, 1897. 116 Address to the Regiments of the Body-Guard
Potsdam, June 16, 1898. 121 On the Death of Prince Bismarck
Friedrichsruh, August 2, 1898. 123 “Our Future Lies Upon the Water”
Stettin, September 23, 1898. 126 The Journey to the Holy Land
Bethlehem, October 30, 1898. 127 Dedication of the Church of Our Redeemer
Jerusalem, October 31, 1898. 132 By Divine Right
Brandenburg, February 3, 1899. 135 The Hague Conference
Wiesbaden, May 18, 1899. 141 The Housing of Laborers
Early June, 1899. 143 French Heroism at St. Privat
The Battle-field of St. Privat, August 18, 1899. 143 V The Greater Navy 147 “Bitterly We Need a Powerful German Fleet”
Hamburg, October 18, 1899. 150 On the Threshold of the New Century
Berlin, January 1, 1900. 154 New Boundary Posts
Berlin, February 13, 1900. 157 Seaports and Cannon
Lübeck, June 16, 1900. 159 The Ocean Knocks at Our Door
Kiel, July 3, 1900. 160 Open the Way for Culture
Bremen, July 27, 1900. 163 Civis Romanus Sum
Imperial Limes Museum, Saalburg, October 11, 1900. 167 Cabinet Order to the Prussian Army
January, 1901. 169 Dedication of the Barracks of the Alexander Regiment
March 28, 1901. 171 To the Students at Bonn
April 24, 1901. 174
Hamburg, June 18, 1901. 180 The Great Elector
Kiel, June 20, 1901. 184 Entrance of Prince Eitel Friedrich into the Army
July 7, 1901. 189 True Art
Berlin, December 18, 1901. 191 Monument to General von Rosenberg
April 20, 1902. 201 The Old Order Changeth
Aix, June 19, 1902. 203 Alfred Krupp and the Socialists
November 26, 1902. 209 The Working Man Once More
Breslau, December 5, 1902. 213 Scholarship and Religion
Berlin, February 15, 1903. 216 Frederick the Great and His Army
Döberitz, May 29, 1903. 225 The Future of Germany
Hamburg, June 20, 1903. 227 The Reasons for Japan’s Victory
March 9, 1905. 232 The Salt of the Earth
Bremen, March 22, 1905. 233 VI On the Eve of Morocco
March 31, 1905—November 12, 1906. 240 The Morocco Question
Tangier, March 31, 1905. 240 The Great Ally
September 8, 1906. 242 Optimism and Literature
Münich, November 12, 1906. 247 Twenty-Five Years of Labor Legislation
November 17, 1896. 253 VII The Crisis of 1907
February 5, 1907—October 18, 1911. 256 Imperialism versus Social Democracy
Berlin, February 5, 1907. 256 The Necessity of Faith
Münster, August 31, 1907. 259 English Journalists
London, November 16, 1907. 264 Alsace-Lorraine
Strasburg, August 30, 1908. 265 The Daily Telegraph Interview
October 28, 1908. 267
Manzell, November 10, 1908. 273 Regatta at Hamburg
Hamburg, June 22, 1909. 274 Review of the Fourteenth Army Corps
Karlsruhe, September 11, 1909. 278 Emperor by Divine Right
Königsberg, August 25, 1910. 279 The Hundredth Anniversary of the Founding of the University of Berlin
Berlin, October 11, 1910. 285 The Emperor in Brussels
October 27, 1910. 290 Alcohol and the Schools
Cassel, August 19, 1911. 292 International Competition
Hamburg, August 27, 1911. 295 Imperial Glories
Aix, October 18, 1911. 299 VIII Last Months of Peace
February 7, 1912—June 23, 1914. 303 Opening of the Reichstag
Berlin, February 7, 1912. 303 Brandenburg Once Again
May 30, 1912. 307 Hauling Down the Flag
Hamburg, June 18, 1912. 313 Accident to a Zeppelin
Bonn, October 17, 1913. 316 We Germans Fear God, Nothing Else
Hamburg, June 23, 1914. 318 IX At the Outbreak of the War 323 Forcing the Sword into His Hand
Berlin, July 31, 1914. 323 An End of Parties
Berlin, August 1, 1914. 324 Opening of the Reichstag
Berlin, August 4, 1914. 324 To the Army and Navy
Berlin, August 6, 1914. 327 Proclamation to the German People
Berlin, August 6, 1914. 328
ILLUSTRATIONS
I
THE HOHENZOLLERN TRADITION
Ernest Renan, the author of that once heretical “Life of Jesus,” was by temperament unenthusiastic and had further schooled himself to look upon all human events with high unconcern. The great sceptic had been born in 1823; he was therefore sixty-five at the time of the accession of William II, and his declining health, in Horatian phrase, refused to allow him to enter upon any long hope. In looking forward to his inevitable end one thing, he said, afflicted him. He regretted only that he was not to see, in its later and more decisive phases, the unfolding of the multiform personality of the new German Emperor. To him it was an intellectual puzzle, more intricate and more interesting than any he had encountered in the many cycles of the history of the Hebrews or in the complicated schisms of the church. In the early years of his reign the youthful Emperor was regarded with much interest and some concern by his contemporaries generally. He was the chameleon among the royal figures of Europe. One day he receives the Czar at Berlin and proclaims peace to the world. A few weeks later he visits the Sultan at Constantinople, and shortly thereafter he announces to his loyal Brandenburgers that he will lead them on to greater things. What did he mean? Now he is a soldier, jesting with his officers; and, with the rising of another sun, in workman’s garb, with the axe upon his shoulder, he goes forth as woodman or laborer on his own estates. At home he was regarded as Benjamin Constant regarded Madame de Staël. He was the “bel orage,” the beautiful storm which had come upon Europe in the dull and piping times of peace of the last decades of the nineteenth century. He cleared the air of Continental politics in the years of late Victorianism. He was a dilettante of dangerous activities, as Renan had been of antiquated heresies and harmless, outworn systems, and to him Fate seemed to have given the future as a toy. Such, at least, was the view of the famous Portuguese poet Eça de Queiroz, who cast his horoscope in 1891.
A quarter century of peace had removed much apprehension. After the dismissal of Bismarck he had shaped his own policy and gone his own way. To his great advisers he had seemed to say: “Ôte-toi que je m’y mette.” Yet his career had ceased to disquiet, and the youthful exuberance had given way to mature and conscientious labor. With unshakable confidence in himself and with a determined application he was making Germany the greatest state in Europe. To those who, unlike Renan, did not have the misfortune to have been born too soon to be his later contemporaries, the riddle seemed to be solving itself to the greater good of humanity. The Emperor’s army, so he tells us himself, is invincible. Never has Germany been defeated so long as she was united, and God, who has taken such infinite pains with us, will never leave us “in the lurch.” By means of this powerful, unconquerable army, at whose side he had now set one of the greatest fleets on the seas, he had, so he told us, laid firm and sure the foundations of peace.
Then suddenly “the abyss is opened, ... the sword is thrust into his hand,” and reluctantly and with a heavy heart he goes forth to do battle. Like a shuttle he flits from frontier to frontier, now planning an invasion of England, now supervising the readministration of Belgian industries, and now directing a battle in Poland. Surely such a destiny, so immense a power, has been granted to no man. It may be he is the great predestined victim; it may be that Time is preparing for him a final and well-earned European triumph.
What shall be the end, and where lies the responsibility? No ethical or political problem of our time forces itself upon us with greater insistence. His utterances may help to make the question if not the answer clear. Looking forward dispassionately twenty-three years ago that Portuguese student prophesied that this could not last, that there would be war; and in the light of later events that prophecy about “the allied armies” has been recently recalled. It was in these words that he closed his brilliant study of the youthful Emperor and King:
“William II runs the awful danger of being cast down Gemoniæ. He boldly takes upon himself responsibilities which in all nations are divided among various bodies of the state—he alone judges, he alone executes, because to him alone it is (not to his ministers, to his council, or to his parliament) that God, the God of the Hohenzollerns, imparts his transcendental inspiration. He must therefore be infallible and invincible. At the first disaster—whether it be inflicted by his burghers or by his people in the streets of Berlin, or by allied armies on the plains of Europe—Germany will at once conclude that his much-vaunted alliance with God was the trick of a wily despot.
“Then will there not be stones enough from Lorraine to Pomerania to stone this counterfeit Moses. William II is in very truth casting against fate those terrible ‘iron dice’ to which the now-forgotten Bismarck once alluded. If he win he may have within and without the frontiers altars such as were raised to Augustus; should he lose, exile, the traditional exile, in England awaits him—a degraded exile, the exile with which he so sternly threatens those who deny his infallibility.
“M. Renan is therefore quite right: there is nothing more attractive at this period of the century than to witness the final development of William II. In the course of years (may God make them slow and lengthy!) this youth, ardent, pleasing, fertile in imagination, of sincere, perhaps heroic, soul, may be sitting in calm majesty in his Berlin Schloss presiding over the destinies of Europe—or he may be in the Hôtel Métropole in London sadly unpacking from his exile’s handbag the battered double crown of Prussia and Germany.”
This drama of a life is twenty-three years nearer its climax than it was when Renan bade the world good night. With a certain finality of pathos a Greek poet whom Renan loved, thinking doubtless of his unhappy countrymen who had fallen in the long wars between Athens and Sparta, had said: “They that have died are not sick, nor do they possess any evil things.” If this be true, quite possibly, then, the world was kinder to this aged Frenchman than he shall ever know. For the disasters which were to follow the rising star of the Emperor, which he regarded so curiously, were to be far greater than he had ever dreamed. It may be, therefore, that it is he and not some of his younger countrymen who are to be congratulated on the bournes which marked the time of his coming and his passing.
The question of the responsibility of the Emperor and the limits of his power is one which perhaps only time can decide. Undeniably Germany has a written Constitution. But that Constitution is of comparatively recent date (April 16, 1871). It is not looked upon, as is the American Constitution, as the source of Germany’s political life. It is the empire and not the Constitution that is holy. Struggles for personal liberty find little place in the history of Prussia. They have no Cromwell, no Washington, no Robespierre, and, significantly too, they have had in times past no Ravaillac and no Guiteau. There, still, a
When, therefore, in 1878, by a curious coincidence, two attempts were made upon the life of Emperor William I (one by Hödel, an irresponsible person of diseased mind and body, who had been dismissed from the Social Democratic party; and another by Nobiling, who was not a Social Democrat), Bismarck immediately and easily seized this occasion to crush Social Democracy and increase the imperial power. He dissolved the Reichstag, and in one month the law-courts inflicted no less than five hundred years of imprisonment for lèse-majesté. Within eight months the authorities dissolved two hundred and twenty-two workingmen’s unions, suppressed one hundred and twenty-seven periodical and two hundred and seventy-eight other publications, and innumerable bona-fide co-operative societies were compelled by the police to close their doors without trial and with no possibility of appeal. With equal despatch numerous Social Democrats were expelled from Germany on a few days’ notice. This traditional attitude toward the Social Democrat, who from our standpoint is the German radical and liberal, appears again in the present Emperor when he declares (May 14, 1889) that every Social Democrat is synonymous with enemy of the country. How Social Democracy has grown in spite of the Emperor’s attempt to check it will be evident from a consideration of the following figures, in which the forty political parties are grouped into their four larger divisions: