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قراءة كتاب The Economist, Volume 1, No. 3
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were in the course of producing wealth; for if there be one law in nature more distinct than another, it is, that while the productions of every country are less or more limited to particular things, the wants of man extend to every possible variety of products over the whole world, as soon as his means can command them. As a country advances in wealth, it will have more and more surplus produce, which under wise laws would always consist of such things as it could produce with greatest facility and profit, whether from the loom or the soil. This surplus produce would be exchanged for the productions of other climates, but it must be quite clear, as soon as we arrive at this stage, that the power of the law to protect price altogether ceases. The surplus exported must sell in the markets of the world, in competition with the same article produced under the cheapest circumstances, and that article in the home market can command only the same price.
Thus the whole attempt to protect all interests equally would immediately fail; every article produced in excess, and exported, would command only the lowest prices of open markets, and the fancied protection of the law would be void; while everything produced in deficiency, and of which we required to import a portion to make up the needful supply, would continue to be protected above the natural price of the world to any extent of import duty that the law imposed upon the quantity required to make up the deficiency.
Thus, for example, we export a large portion of the woollen, and the largest portion of the cotton goods which we manufacture, to all parts of the world, which we must sell at least as cheap as they can be bought in any other country. The same articles can only command the same price in the home market, and though the law imposed an import duty, by way of pretended protection, to any extent, upon similar foreign goods, it would not have the effect of raising the price one fraction. On the other hand, we do not produce as much wool or food as we consume, and have every year to import large quantities of each to make up the deficiency. Whatever duty, therefore, is put on the import of the quantity thus required, will enable the producers at home to maintain their price so much above the natural level of the world. By this state of things the country at large is injured in two distinct and prominent ways:—first,—those articles which we can make in excess, and export, must ever be the chief means of absorbing the increasing capital and labour of the country; and the impediment thrown in our way, of importing those things which we have in deficiency, must necessarily check our power of extending the demand for the produce of such increasing labour and capital; and, secondly,—the price of such articles as we produce in deficiency, will always be maintained much above the level of the world, to the great disadvantage of the other great class of producers, the price of whose labour, and whose profits, will be regulated by competition with those who have food, &c., at the lowest price.
So much as to the effect on the community at large. We will now shortly consider the effect on individual interests, which are thought to enjoy protection, and we believe we can show that there never was a condition so fraught with mischief and disappointment, with such unmitigated delusion, deception, and exposure to ruin, than is to be found in every case where protection operates. We think it can be clearly shown that such occupations can never be more profitable; that they must usually be less profitable; and that they are always more exposed to vicissitudes than any other class.
They never can be more profitable, because capital and enterprise will always be attracted to any occupation which offers a larger profit than the usual rate, till it is reduced to a level with others; they will usually be less profitable, indeed always in a community of increasing numbers, because the price being maintained by restriction above the price of the world, prevents an extension of such trades in the same proportion as those who naturally belong to them, and look to them for occupation, increase in numbers: they will be exposed to greater vicissitudes, because, being confined to the supply of only one market, any accidental circumstance, which either increases the usual supply, or diminishes the usual demand, will cause an infinitely greater depression than if they were in a condition to avail themselves of the markets of the whole world, over which they could spread an accidental and unusual surplus.
Thus, previous to 1824, the silk manufacturers of this country were protected to a greater extent than any other trade, and the price of silk goods was maintained much above the rate of other countries; our silk trade was therefore necessarily confined almost exclusively to the home market and our colonies, and though they had a monopoly of those markets, it was at the cost of exclusion (on account of higher price) from all other markets.
Notwithstanding this monopoly, the silk manufacturers could never command at any time larger profits than other trades; for had they done so, competition would have increased until the rate was reduced to the common level of the country: on the contrary, the tendency was for profits and rates of wages to be smaller than in other great manufacturing branches, requiring equal capital and skill; because, with the increasing numbers who belonged to the silk trade,—the sons of manufacturers and of weavers, who naturally, in the first instance, look to the trade of their parents for their occupation,—the trade did not proportionably increase, from the fact of our being unable to extend our exports; and, lastly, it was exposed to much greater vicissitudes than other trades; for when, either from a temporary change of fashion or taste, or from a temporary stagnation of trade in this country, the accustomed demand was lessened, the silk manufacturers were unable to obtain any relief by extending their trade in the great neutral markets of the world, being excluded by price, and the whole surplus quantity remained a dead weight on this market only; whereas other branches of manufactures, practically enjoying no protection, in the case of depressed trade at home, had an opportunity of immediate relief, by spreading the surplus thereby created, at a very trifling sacrifice, over the wide markets which they supplied.
In this way the extent and duration of the vicissitudes and depressions in the silk trade were without parallel in any other; but since 1824, since this trade has been placed in a natural position by the removal of monopoly, the whole aspect of it has changed, and these peculiar evils have all disappeared.
Then again with regard to the products of land, which the law attempts to protect more highly than any other. Here again, though the price to the community is maintained much above the prices of other countries, no one person connected with raising the produce can command a higher rate of profit, or higher wages for labour, than other trades having no protection whatever; for if they did, competition would soon reduce them to the same level; but, on the contrary, the wages, of agricultural labourers, and the profits of farmers, are always rather below than above the common rate, and simply from this fact, that the children of farm labourers, and of farmers, who first naturally look to the pursuits of their parents for a trade or occupation, increase in numbers without any corresponding extension of the means of employment, and the competition among them is therefore always greater than in other trades which have the power of extension; and the vicissitudes to which the farmer is exposed are notoriously greater than any other trade. His rent and expenses throughout are fixed by an artificial price of produce, which price can only be maintained as long as a certain scarcity exists; but the moment the markets are plentifully supplied, either