قراءة كتاب Are We Ruined by the Germans?
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although a hundred years ago this same delusion had not a little influence in shaping our commercial policy. As a matter of fact, instead of sending gold and silver out of the country to pay for our excess of imports, we almost every year import considerably more bullion and specie than we export. The actual figures are given in the following table:—
The Movements of Bullion and Specie.
In Millions Sterling.
1886 | 1887 | 1888 | 1889 | 1890 | 1891 | 1892 | 1893 | 1894 | 1895 | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Imports Gold | 12·9 | 10·0 | 15·8 | 17·9 | 23·6 | 30·3 | 21·6 | 24·8 | 27·6 | 36·0 |
Imports Silver | 7·5 | 7·8 | 6·2 | 9·2 | 10·4 | 9·3 | 10·7 | 11·9 | 11·0 | 10·7 |
Exports Gold | 13·8 | 9·3 | 14·9 | 14·5 | 14·3 | 24·2 | 14·8 | 19·5 | 15·6 | 21·4 |
Exports Silver | 7·2 | 7·8 | 7·6 | 10·7 | 10·9 | 13·1 | 14·1 | 13·6 | 12·2 | 10·4 |
Total excess or deficiency of imports over exports of gold and silver together | - | + | - | + | + | + | + | + | + | + |
·6 | ·6 | ·5 | 2·0 | 8·8 | 2·3 | 2·4 | 3·6 | 10·8 | 15·0 |
EXCESS OF IMPORTS OVER EXPORTS.
The movements of gold and silver then, instead of helping to explain the excess of imports over exports, only increase the need for explanation. Happily, the explanation that can be given, though it cannot be statistical, is fully sufficient. It is fourfold. In the first place the Custom House returns do not include in the tables of exports the large export which we every year make of ships built to order for foreign buyers, so that our exports appear smaller than they really are by at least five millions a year. Secondly, an allowance must be made for the profit on our foreign trade. If, in return for every pound’s worth of British goods sent out from our ports, only a pound’s worth of foreign goods came back, our merchants would make a better living by selling penny toys along the Strand. What the average profit is on our foreign trade there is no means of knowing, but putting it as low as 10 per cent. on the double transaction, we at once account for some £30,000,000 sterling in the difference between our exports and imports. The third item in the explanation is the sum earned by British shipowners for carrying the greater part of the sea-commerce of the world. This sum has been estimated at £70,000,000 a year, but that is only a guess, and it is certainly a high one. Lastly, we have the enormous sum annually due to this country for interest on the money we have lent abroad. The amount of this annual payment can again only be guessed at, but it probably exceeds £100,000,000 a year. Adding then these four items together, and making every allowance for over-estimates, we not only account for the whole excess of imports over exports, but have a balance over, which means that we are still exporting capital to foreign countries. The capital we export goes out in the form of mining machinery to South Africa, steel rails to India, coal to South America; the interest due to us comes home in the form of American wheat, Argentine beef, Australian wool, Indian tea, South African diamonds.
THE WORLD’S TRIBUTE.
Of what do the Protectionists complain? Would they have us forego the interest we are owed? Apparently Mr. Williams would, for he says (page 19) that we ought not to spend all our income from foreign investments “in foreign shops.” How else, in the name of the Prophet, are we to receive all or any part of what is due to us from foreigners, whether it be due for interest on investments, or for goods carried, or for ships sold? Does Mr. Williams mean that we are to compel foreign nations to pay us a couple of hundred millions a year in actual gold and silver, and then dig a hole in the ground and sit on our hoard like an Indian cook who has saved money out of the perquisites of his profession? Gold and silver are useless to us beyond a very few millions every year; if more bullion were sent the market would reject it. If we are to be paid at all we must be paid in foreign commodities, and the mechanism of commerce enables us to select just those commodities which we most want. This is the whole story of our excess of imports over exports. Furthermore, that excess would be even greater than it is did we not every year send fresh millions abroad on loan to our Colonies and foreign countries, to produce in due course (it is to be hoped) additional hundreds of thousands in the way of interest.
OUR ENTREPÔT TRADE.
There is one other important point to be dealt with in considering the movement of our trade as a whole. It is this—that part of the enormous quantity of goods we import is not consumed by ourselves, but is re-exported to foreign countries or to our Colonies. For many reasons it is interesting to distinguish these re-exports from the exports of goods produced within the United Kingdom. The separate figures for the last fifteen years are given in the following table:—
Our Entrepôt Trade and our Home Trade.
In Millions Sterling.
1881 | 1882 | 1883 | 1884 | 1885 | 1886 | 1887 | 1888 | 1889 | 1890 | 1891 | 1892 | 1893 | 1894 | 1895 | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Re-exports of Imported Goods | 63 | 65 | 66 | 63 | 58 | 56 | 59 | 64 | 67 | 65 | 62 | 65 | 59 | 58 | 60 |
Exports of Home Produce | 234 | 242 | 240 | 233 | 213 | 213 | 222 | 235 | 249 | 264 | 247 | 227 | 218 | 216 | 226 |
Total Exports | 297 | 307 | 306 | 296 | 271 | 269 | 281 | 299 | 316 | 329 | 309 | 292 | 277 | 274 | 286 |
There is not much to grumble at in these figures. Our entrepôt trade, which was supposed to be slipping away, seems somewhat to halt in the process, in spite of the notorious and not entirely unpleasing fact that our Colonies are now doing a larger direct trade with foreign countries than ever before. At the same time the figures for the exports of our own