inclined to agree to the programme submitted to them, the main features of which were: the union of the two Principalities as a neutral, autonomous state under the hereditary sovereignty of a prince of a European dynasty, and the introduction of a constitution. A conference held at Paris, on the other hand, decided that each Principality should elect a native Hospodar, subject to the Sultan's confirmation.

The desire for national unity had, however, become so strong that the newly elected legislative bodies of both countries rebelled against the decision of the Great Powers, and elected Colonel Alexander Kusa as their ruler in 1859. Personal union was thus achieved, though the election of a foreign prince had, for the time being, to be abandoned. Still Prince Kusa was required to pledge his word to abdicate should an opportunity arrive for the closer union of the two countries under the rule of a foreign prince.

Guided by the advice of the Great Powers, the Sultan confirmed the election of Prince Kusa, but by means of two Firmans, a diplomatic sleight of hand, by which the fait accompli of the irregular union remained undisturbed, albeit unrecognised. Formal sanction to the union was not conceded by the Sublime Porte until 1861. Prince Kusa, whose private life was by no means above reproach, endeavoured to fulfil in public the patriotic ambition of furthering his people's progress. But Roumania at that period was not prepared for the purely parliamentary form of government it had assumed, and the well-meant reforms initiated by the Prince and the Chamber achieved no immediate result. Prince Kusa, therefore, felt himself compelled to abolish the Election Laws by a coup d'état, and to frame a new one, which obtained the sanction of the Sublime Porte, and eventually the approval of the majority of the nation.

The increased liberty of action gained by the Prince was utilised to the full in formulating a series of necessary and excellent reforms; he failed, however, to place the budget on a satisfactory footing, and the finances remained in the same unfavourable condition as before, whilst several of his measures were directly opposed to the interests of certain factions and classes of the population. In addition to these difficulties, scandals arose which were based only too firmly upon the extremely lax life which Prince Kusa led, and a conspiracy was formed for his overthrow which found a ready support throughout the land. The Palace at Bucharest was surprised on the night of February 22, 1866, by a band of armed men, who forced the Prince to abdicate and quit the country. This accomplished, the leaders of the various parties assembled and formed a Provisional Government under the Lieutenance Princière, or regency, which consisted of General N. Golesku, Colonel Haralambi and Lascar Catargiu.

The Chamber at once proceeded to elect a new ruler, and their first choice fell upon the Count of Flanders, the younger brother of the King of Belgium. Napoleon III., however, who was then still able to play the arbitrator in the affairs of Europe, hinted that the Count would be better advised to decline the proffered crown. The Emperor's wish was acceded to, and, although the Provisional Government for a time appeared to persist in the election of the Count of Flanders, Roumania was ultimately forced to look for a candidate whose election would not be opposed by any of the Great Powers.

The choice was difficult, if not impossible; for the Paris Conference, which had reassembled in the meantime, had decided against the union of the Principalities; and, unless Roumania could attain its object semi-officially by the favour of the Great Powers, the position was hopeless.

It was, indeed, a serious, not to say alarming, situation; for a war between Prussia and Austria for the hegemony of Germany was imminent, and threatened to lead to further complications in the East. If the election were delayed until after the outbreak of hostilities, one of the belligerent parties was certain to reject the candidate whose election the other approved, whilst Russia would take advantage of the interregnum to stir up the whole of Roumania, especially Moldavia, against the union; for anything that might tend to impede the Russian advance upon Constantinople could not fail to evoke the most lively hostility in St. Petersburg. It was, therefore, upon France and her Emperor that all the hopes of the Roumanians reposed: with Napoleon on their side everything was possible, without him nothing.

The leading Roumanian statesmen were well aware of the difficulties in the way, and eventually fixed upon Prince Charles of Hohenzollern as their candidate, for he was related to both the French and Prussian dynasties, upon whose goodwill and support he might confidently reckon. It was of the utmost importance, therefore, to move him to accept their offer at once, and to obtain the sanction of the nation by a plébiscite.

CHAPTER II

THE SUMMONS TO THE THRONE

The Roumanian delegate, Joan Bratianu, arrived at Düsseldorf on Good Friday 1866, to lay the offer of the Roumanian people before Prince Charles and his father. In an audience granted by the latter on the following day, March 31, Bratianu announced the intention of the Lieutenance Princière, inspired by Napoleon III., to advance Prince Charles Anthony's second son, Charles, as a candidate for the throne of the Principalities. Bratianu succeeded in obtaining a private interview with Prince Charles the same evening, in order to acquaint the latter with the political situation, and to point out the danger which must inevitably be incurred if the present Provisional Government remained in power. Prince Charles replied that he possessed courage enough to accept the offer, but feared that he was not equal to the task, adding that nothing was known of the intentions of the King of Prussia, without whose permission, as chief of the family, he could not take so important a step. He therefore declined for the moment to give any definite answer to the proposals of the Roumanian Government. Bratianu returned to Paris, after promising to take no immediate steps in the matter. Prince Charles Anthony without delay addressed a memorial regarding this offer to the King of Prussia, and clearly defined the circumstances which had led to his taking this step. A similar communication was forwarded to the President of the Prussian Ministry.

A few days later Prince Charles arrived in Berlin, and at once visited the King, the Crown Prince, and Prince Frederick Charles, as he reported in a letter to his father:

"The King made no mention of the Roumanian question at the interview, but the Crown Prince, on the other hand, entered into a minute discussion with me, and did not appear to be at all against the idea. The only thing that displeased him was that the candidature was inspired by France, as he feared that the latter might demand a rectification of the frontier from Prussia in return for this good office. I replied that I did not consider that the Emperor Napoleon had thought of such a bargain, but had been induced to take the initiative in this matter by family feeling rather than by any selfish consideration. The Crown Prince, moreover, considered it a great honour that so difficult a task had been offered to a member of the House of Hohenzollern. Prince Frederick Charles also at once started upon a minute discussion of the Roumanian question. He seemed to be intimately acquainted with the issue, and volunteered the opinion that I