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"All the more reason," replied the Count. "In this case you have no need for the direct permission of the King. Ask the King for leave—leave to travel abroad. The King (I know him well) will not be slow to understand, and to see through your intention. You will, moreover, remove the decision out of his hands, a most welcome relief to him, as he is politically tied down. Once abroad, you resign your commission and proceed to Paris, where you will ask the Emperor for a private interview. You might then lay your intentions before Napoleon, with the request that he will interest himself in your affairs and promote them amongst the Powers. In my opinion this is the only method of tackling the matter, if your Serene Highness thinks at all of accepting the crown in question. On the other hand, should this question come before the Paris Conference, it will not take months merely, but even years to settle. The two Powers most interested—Russia and the Porte—will protest emphatically against your election; France, England, and Italy will be on your side, whilst Austria will make every endeavour to ruin your candidature. From Austria there is, however, not much to fear, as I propose to give her occupation for some time to come!... As regards us, Prussia is placed in the most difficult position of all: on account of her political and geographical situation she has always held aloof from the Eastern Question and has only striven to make her voice heard in the Council of the Powers. In this particular case, however, I, as Prussian Minister, should have to decide against you, however hard it would be for me, for at the present moment I must not come to a rupture with Russia, nor pledge our State interest for the sake of family interest. By independent action on the part of your Highness the King would escape this painful dilemma; and, although he cannot give his consent as head of the family, I am convinced that he will not be against this idea, which I would willingly communicate to him if he would do me the honour of visiting me here. When once your Serene Highness is in Roumania the question would soon be solved; for when Europe is confronted by a fait accompli the interested Powers will, it is true, protest, but the protest will be only on paper, and the fact cannot be undone!"

The Prince then pointed out that Russia and Turkey might adopt offensive measures, but Bismarck denied this possibility: "The most disastrous contingencies, especially for Russia, might result from forcible measures. I advise your Serene Highness to write an autograph letter to the Czar of Russia before your departure, saying that you see in Russia your most powerful protector, and that with Russia you hope some day to solve the Eastern Question. A matrimonial alliance also might be mooted, which would give you great support in Russia."

In reply to a question as to the attitude of Prussia to a fait accompli, Bismarck declared: "We shall not be able to avoid recognising the fact and devoting our full interest to the matter. Your courageous resolve is therefore certain to be received here with applause."

The Prince then asked whether the Count advised him to accept the crown, or whether it would be better to let the matter drop.

"If I had not been in favour of the course proposed, I should not have permitted myself to express my views," was the reply. "I think the solution of the question by a fait accompli will be the luckiest and most honourable for you. And even if you do not succeed your position with regard to the House of Prussia would continue the same. You would remain here and be able to look back with pleasure to a coup with which you could never reproach yourself. But if you succeed, as I think you will, this solution would be of incalculable value to you; you have been elected unanimously by the vote of the nation in the fullest sense of the word; you follow this summons and thereby from the commencement earn the full confidence of the whole nation."

The Prince objected that he could not quite trust the plébiscite, because it had been effected so quickly, but Bismarck replied:

"The surest guarantee can be given you by the deputation which will shortly be sent to you, and which you must not receive on Prussian territory; moreover, I should place myself in communication with the Roumanian agent in Paris as soon as possible. I communicated this idea sous discrétion to the French Ambassador, Benedetti, after we had learnt that Napoleon wished to hear our views, and he declares that France will place a ship at your disposal to undertake the journey to Roumania from Marseilles, but I think it would be better to make use of the ordinary steamer in order to keep the matter quite secret."

As in duty bound, Prince Charles proceeded to the Royal Palace after this interview, to ascertain the King's views on the proposed course of action. His Majesty did not share Count Bismarck's view and thought that the Prince had better await the decision of the Paris Conference, although, even should this be favourable, it would still be unworthy a Prince of the House of Hohenzollern to place himself under the suzerainty of the Sultan! To this Prince Charles replied that, although he was ready to acknowledge the Turkish suzerainty for a time, he reserved to himself the task of freeing his country by force of arms, and of gaining perfect independence on the field of battle. The King gave the Prince leave to proceed to Düsseldorf, embraced him heartily, and bade him Godspeed!

Prince Bismarck sent for Colonel Rauch, who had played an important part in the negotiations with the King, and informed him on April 23 that the Paris Conference had decided by five votes to three that the Bucharest Chamber was to elect a native prince, and that France had declared that she would not tolerate forcible measures either on the part of Russia or of the Porte. The President of the Prussian Ministry then repeated the advice he had given to Prince Charles, viz., to accept the election at once, then proceed to Paris, and thence to Bucharest with the support of Napoleon, and to write at once to the Czar Alexander, hinting at the projected Russian marriage. If Russia was won, everything would be won, and the intervention by force of one or the other of the guaranteeing Powers would be no longer to be feared. As regards the consent of the King, which of course could not be given now, it would not be refused to a final fait accompli. Prince Charles must decide for himself whether he felt the power and decision to solve the problem in this straightforward fashion; but it must be understood that no other method offered any prospect, for the Powers would eventually agree upon a native prince, and the Roumanians must submit. "I spoke," he added, "to the Roumanian political agent in Paris, M. Balaceanu, in a similar strain yesterday evening, and laid stress upon the fact that the King cannot at present decide or accept the election of Prince Charles, because political complications might be created thereby."

From Paris came the news that nothing would be more agreeable to the Emperor and his Government than to see Prince Charles on the throne of Roumania, but that nothing could be done in the face of the decision of the Conference, and that the Prince's project of a fait accompli was so adventurous that the Emperor could not promise his support. An interview was then arranged at the house of Baroness Franque in Ramersdorf, with M. Balaceanu, who declared that the intention of the Roumanian Government was