voice.

This is the full text of the proclamation as it appeared in the Vorwärts:

"An Appeal! The Balkan plains are still steaming with the blood of thousands of murdered; the ruins of desolate towns and devastated villages are still smoking after the Balkan War; hungry, workless men, widowed women and orphan children are still wandering through the land, and yet again Austria's Imperialism unchains the War Fury to bring death and destruction over all Europe.

"Even if we condemn the doings of the Greater-Serbian Nationalists, still the wicked war-provocation of the Austro-Hungarian Government calls forth the most stinging protest. The demands made by this government are so brutal, that in the history of the world their like has never been presented to an independent State, and they can only be calculated to provoke war.

"Germany's proletariat, conscious of its mission, raises herewith, in the name of humanity and civilization, the most fervent protest against this criminal action of the war party (Kriegshetzer). It (the Social Democratic Party) demands imperatively that the German Government should exercise all its influence on the Austrian Government to preserve peace, and in case this infamous war cannot be prevented then to abstain from any warlike interference. No single drop of blood of a single German soldier may be sacrificed to gratify the lust for power of the Austrian autocracy, the Imperial profit-interests.

"Comrades! we call upon you to give expression to the working-classes' unshakable will for peace in mass meetings. This is a serious moment, more solemn than any in the last few decades. There is danger in delay. A world war threatens us. The ruling classes who enslave, despise and exploit you in times of peace desire now to misuse you as cannon-fodder. From all sides the cry must ring in the ears of those in authority: We don't want war! Down with war!

"Long live international brotherhood!

"Berlin, July 25th, 1914.

"The Leaders of the Party."

Two days later the Leipziger Tageblatt announced that the Public Prosecutor had commenced proceedings against the editors of Vorwärts for having distributed the above appeal in pamphlet form in the streets of Berlin. From this fact we may conclude that the charges thrown out by the Social Democratic Party were by no means congenial to the plans of the German Government.

The Liberal Berliner Tageblatt (July 24th), gave its unreserved support to Austria's action. "The Austrian Government has voiced its demands in a calm and serious tone which contains nothing offensive to the Serbian monarchy. Everyone who has considered the results of the inquiry into the tragedy of Serajewo, and the burrowing of Serbian propagandists in Austria, must give his absolute sanction to the latter's demands. Much as every right-thinking man must desire that peace should be preserved, still he must admit that Austria could not have acted otherwise."

Even the Vossische Zeitung, the organ of army circles, was more conservative in its judgment. In the issue for July 24th a leading article runs: "It cannot be denied that nearly every point raised by Austria in her note is an encroachment on Serbia's sovereign rights. Austria appears as the policeman, who undertakes to create order in Serbia, because the Serbian Government, according to Austria's claim, is unable to hold in check those 'subversive elements' within its frontiers, which disturb Austria's peace. But only in this manner can Austria protect herself against the criminals who are sent from Serbia to the territories of the Hapsburg monarchy. No consideration whatever can be shown to Serbia, as Austria's first duty is self-defence."

In the German Press two widely-differing opinions found expression with regard to the equity of Austria's demands, but the Press and people were unanimous in believing that if these demands were ruthlessly pressed home they could only lead to a European conflagration.

In view of this latter danger, national opinion was again divided into two camps: the first against war, the second determined to support Austria and pursue the path chosen by the Berlin Government, no matter what the consequences might be. The latter party included the vast bulk of the nation; and Chauvinism dominated in the Press, theatres, concert-halls, churches and music-halls. "Patriotic" demonstrations were held before Austrian consulates, in restaurants and coffee-houses. The Berlin Government was overwhelmed with telegrams from all kinds of bodies—especially those with a military colouring, such as veterans' clubs, societies of one-year volunteers, university societies, etc.—calling upon it to defend Germany's honour against Slavonic murder and intrigue. In short, all Germany gave itself up to a veritable Kriegsrausch (war intoxication) which found expression in the wildest attacks on Russia and a perfervid determination to see the matter through, should Russia venture to intervene in any way to protect Serbia from whatever measures Austria thought proper to take.

It is little to be wondered at that Russia in face of this spontaneous outbreak did take military precautions, for all Germany made it perfectly clear that no kind of intervention on Russia's part in the Austro-Serbian dispute would be tolerated by Germany. It is true that, late in the day, Austria avowed that she had no intention of annexing Serbian territory, a declaration which Germans did not believe, and certainly one which Russia had no reason to accept after Austria's annexion of Bosnia and Herzegowina in 1908.

Furthermore, Austria gave Russia every reason to cherish suspicion as to her intentions. On July 25th Austria issued official orders for the mobilization of eight of her sixteen army corps, in addition to which a part of the Landsturm was called up. The corps mobilized were: one each in Upper and Lower Austria, Dalmatia, Buda-Pest, Croatia and Bosnia and two Bohemian corps. Three-eighths of the forces called up were thus placed very near to the Russian frontier.

Vienna was wild with war-enthusiasm which found expression in demonstrations lasting all through the night, July 25-26th. Austrian officers, who have always been hated by the populace, were cheered, embraced and carried shoulder-high wherever they were met. The effect which this had in Berlin may be seen from the Berliner Tageblatt of July 26th: "An enormous mass of people gathered before the Russian Embassy last night between the hours of twelve and one. The crowd howled and hissed, and cries were raised: 'Down with Russia! Long live Austria! Down with Serbia!' Gradually the police cleared the masses away."

Russia ignored the incident, but when about a hundred Frenchmen demonstrated before the Austrian Embassy in Paris at exactly the same time, the Ambassador at once protested at the Quai d'Orsay and the Director of the French Foreign Office immediately apologized.

On the whole the reports of excesses in various parts of Germany against any and all who dared to show any anti-war sympathies proves clearly that the blood-lust aroused by the German Government's policy had already passed beyond the control of the authorities. In Munich one of the most modern coffee-houses (Café Fahrig) was completely gutted because the proprietor endeavoured to keep the demonstrants within reasonable bounds. Serbs and Russians were attacked and ill-treated. One such incident occurred at mid-day, Sunday, July 26th, in Munich, of which a full description is given in the München-Augsburger Abendzeitung for the following day.

A few days later (August 2nd) the Princess Café, Berlin, was demolished because the guests believed that there were Russians in the band. In Hamburg on the following day a newly-opened restaurant was completely destroyed because a young Dane had failed to stand up when the