happily till troubles came and the demon of strong drink cast its fatal spell upon his domestic hearth.  After years of utter misery and degradation Taylor, in a happy hour for himself and society, signed the Temperance pledge, and became a new man, and to the pledge, fortunately, he remained faithful, in spite of ridicule and reproach from the boon companions with whom he had thoughtlessly squandered so much of happiness, and health, and money, and time.  No temptation ever led him back.  Nor was he satisfied with his own reform alone.  He was anxious that others should be rescued from degradation as he had already been.  For this purpose he identified himself with the Temperance cause, and was Honorary Secretary to the Birmingham Temperance Society till he became the Apostle of the Freehold Land Movement.  Since then his life and labours have become public.  No

man has worked harder than Mr. Taylor.  Our readers would be astonished if they knew the number of miles Mr. Taylor travels, and of public meetings he attends in the course of the year connected with the movement; sometimes the exertion has been too great, and his health has given way for a time.  Those who have heard him once will never forget him.  Those who have not heard him, if such there be, have indeed a treat in store.  With but few or no adventitious aids—without even “little Latin and less Greek”—an unassuming plain working man, in spite of all this, so fascinating is his unadorned eloquence that no one can listen to him without admiring his earnestness and moral worth—without feeling that England has no worthier son than the originator of the Freehold Land Movement—without feeling that time alone can tell what he has done for the political, and social, and moral emancipation of her toiling race.  We may also add here that Mr. Taylor has been at times a contributor to the press as well as a platform orator—that he has been twice married—that he resides at Temperance Cottage, Birmingham, in the enjoyment of a domestic felicity which we trust will attend him to a green old age.  It may be said of Taylor what has been said of many infinitely less useful men, that—

“He is a man, take him for all in all,
We ne’er shall look upon his like again.”

This feeling has become common wherever Mr. Taylor has been known.  From far and near have reached him testimonials of respect and esteem.  At an early stage of its existence the Wolverhampton Society acknowledged its sense of Mr. Taylor’s services by presenting him with a valuable gold watch; and at the last Annual Conference of the friends of the Movement, held in December, 1852, it was unanimously resolved that “as it appeared that various sums of money have been from time to time subscribed with a view of offering some suitable recognition of the valuable and disinterested services of Mr. James Taylor, it is desirable that a committee be appointed to suggest the most suitable testimonial to

that gentleman, and to take such steps as may seem to them most desirable in furtherance of the object.”  In pursuance of this resolution a committee was formed to receive subscriptions, of which Mr. Scholefield, M.P. for Birmingham, is Treasurer.  This committee consists of most of the gentlemen connected with the London societies, and it is to be hoped that they are giving the subject the importance it really deserves.  A prophet should be honoured in his own age and country.  In their lifetime the world’s benefactors should reap their reward.

Having thus explained the nature of Freehold Land Societies, and detailed their rise and progress and present position, we propose to consider their effects.  For this purpose we shall examine the Movement as offering

IV.—AN INVESTMENT FOR THE MIDDLE AND WORKING CLASSES.

This, of course, is the principal point of view.  By their merits as investments alone must Freehold Land Societies stand or fall.  If they pay, they will flourish; if they do not, they cannot exist, whatever may be the social, and moral, and political arguments advanced in their favour.  Now, let us just see what means of investment are within the reach of the Working man.  There is the savings bank—not always safe, as recent examples have shown, and offering so small a rate of interest as to be but little inducement to the classes to whom it appeals, to save.  Then there are the benefit societies, which hold out such fine promises, which thus have won a support to which they have no claim, and have excited hopes which they can never realise.  Of two thousand of these societies, the accounts of which were submitted to one gentleman in Liverpool a few years ago, all were insolvent.  Much of the money belonging to them is wasted in drink, in foolish show and mummery; but the societies are based upon wrong principles, and can never become right.  Two radical defects taint them all—the contributions have been much too small in proportion to the proposed benefits, and an

almost indiscriminate regard to diversities in age has caused persons differing as widely as from eighteen to thirty-five, forty, forty-five, and even fifty years of age, to be admitted upon equal, or nearly equal, terms.  One of the chief of these friendly societies is that known as the Manchester Unity.  In 1848 there was an inquiry into the subject before the House of Lords, when it was stated by Mr. Neison, the eminent actuary, “that it would take three millions of money to bring the Manchester Unity of Odd Fellows out of their present difficulties; and if they went on at their present rates of contribution, no less than ten millions would be required to fulfil all their engagements.”  So much for friendly societies, which are, indeed, a delusion and a snare, and have always failed when the hour of trial has come.  What the savings banks are we have already seen; yet, actually, till the Freehold Land Movement originated, these were the only investments within the reach of the working man.  A Select Committee of the House of Commons has twice reported “that the great change in the social position of multitudes, arising from the growth of large towns and crowded districts, renders it more necessary that corresponding changes in the law should take place, both to improve their condition and contentment, and to give additional facilities to investments of the capital which their industry and enterprise are constantly creating and augmenting;” and “that they doubt not ultimate benefit will ensue from any measures which the Legislature may be enabled to devise for simplifying the operation of the law and unfettering the energies of trade.” But at present nothing has been done, and the Laws of Partnership fetter the working man who would usefully employ what little capital he has.  Clearly, then, the Freehold Land Movement offers him an eligible means of investment.  Land cannot run away.  So long as England exists, it will always be worth its price.  Nay, it will become more valuable every year, for by no effort of human ingenuity can it be increased.

At Birmingham several of the allotments have

realised premiums as high as £20 or £30.  On the East Moulsey estate of the Westminster Society allotments, costing £23, have been let at a chief rent of £3 and £3. 10s. per annum.  The Ross Society, in one of its annual reports, stated that, out of thirty allotments made by the Society during the past year, ten exchanged hands at premiums varying from £3. 10s. to £5., and ten working men each received £10 premium.  At Ledbury several allotments, costing £25 each had realised