society already in operation.  For this purpose, the Birmingham, the National and the Westminster Societies’ rules, which have been prepared with care, and under the management of practical men, should be procured.  They are virtually the same as the rules of an ordinary building society, and are certified by Mr. Tidd Pratt.  The next step is the appointment of trustees, directors, solicitor and secretary.  This is very important.  The greater part of the failures which take place in working men’s associations arise from the incapacity or dishonesty of the directors or their officers.  Men of character and substance should be chosen for trustees, and for directors men experienced in business, of persevering habits, and of unquestionable integrity.  The solicitor and secretary ought to be favourably disposed to the objects of the society.  The offices for business ought in no case to be connected either with a public-house or a Temperance coffee-house.  Eating and drinking are bad adjuncts to business.  As every society must incur expenses, it is not desirable to form societies in

small towns or villages, but to connect them with a large society.  The National, for instance, has agents to receive subscriptions in every part of the country.  Indeed, many of the local societies have become merged in it.  In consequence of its excellent business arrangements, and of its immense capital it can do what local societies cannot.  Already the Herts and Beds Society, the Bristol Society and the Cardiff Society, have become incorporated with it, and the arrangement has been found satisfactory to all parties concerned, the National having the power to purchase an estate, when a local society with its limited funds would be utterly unable to do so.  The same can be said of the Conservative and other larger societies.  Local societies have, however, this in their favour.  The managers are well known men.  Confidence is felt in them; they appeal to local sympathies, and they will have local support.

VIII.—A LIST OF EXISTING SOCIETIES.

It has been suggested that we give a list of the societies at present in operation.  We do so here, though aware that the list is necessarily very imperfect.  The Freeholder aimed to give a list, but it never could give a correct one.  We see Mr. Brooks in his Building Societies Directory has also made a similar attempt, and in an equally unsuccessful manner.  The societies are so numerous that it is impossible to do more than chronicle the existence of the more active ones.  These are:—1. The Arundel, 38, Arundel-street, Strand; Manager, Mr. J. Carpenter.  2. The Birkbeck, Mechanics’ Institution, Southampton-buildings, Chancery-lane; Secretary, Mr. F. Ravenscroft.  3. The British, 3, Ivy-lane; Secretary, Mr. H. Brooks.  4. The Britannia; Secretary, Mr. D. W. Ruffy, 1a, Great George-street, New-road.  4. The Church of England, 22, John-street, Adelphi; Secretary, Mr. Campbell.  5. The Conservative, 33, Norfolk-street, Strand; Secretary, Mr. Gruneisen.  6. The Chelsea, Cheyne-row.  7. The Finsbury, Featherstone-buildings; Secretary, Mr. Scott.  8. The Home Counties, Chatham-place, Blackfriars-bridge;

Secretary, Mr. Knight.  9. The Lambeth, 90 Blackman-street, Borough; Secretary, Mr. W. Banks.  10. London District, 10, Leadenhall-street; Secretary, Mr. F. Redfern.  11. The London and Suburban; Secretary, Mr. Weale.  12. The Metropolitan, 24, East-cheap; Secretary, Mr. D. R. White.  13. The Marylebone, Great Portland-street; Secretary, Mr. J. W. Knight.  14. The Middle Class, Peele’s Coffee House, Fleet-street; Secretary, Mr. W. Peacock.  15. The National, 14, Moorgate-street; Secretary, Mr. Whittingham.  16. The North London, British School Room, Denmark-terrace, Pentonville; Secretary, Mr. Bernard.  17. The St. Pancras; Secretary, Mr. Spring.  18. The Union.  19. The Westminster, 4, Beaufort-buildings, Strand; Secretary, Mr. G. Hugget.  Most of these societies are in full operation, and have purchased valuable estates.  The probable number of Freehold Land Societies in the country is 130.  In some parts societies have not flourished, in consequence of their being confounded with O’Connor’s Land Scheme; in others, more especially in the North, there has been an utter impossibility in the way of getting freehold property; in others, the management has been languid, and the societies have decayed.  But the number is, we believe, that which we have stated; or at any rate is as near the truth as it is possible for us to be.

IX.—CONCLUSION.

We have thus gone through our self-appointed task.  We have considered the Freehold Land Movement in its origin and effects.  We have shown them to be good.  We have shown the movement itself to be well worthy the support of every philanthropic man.  It has now grown, and become strong.  It is now doing what Parliament dare not, providing for the political emancipation of the people.  It has put the franchise in the hands of honest men.  It has given a new character to political agitation.  It has shown how, without resorting to intimidation, or without the frantic appeal of the demagogue, the working men of England may enfranchise themselves.  Parliament

may refuse to legislate on the matter—one Reform Bill after another may be prepared, and then thrown by—one party combination after another may be driven from the Treasury benches, but the movement is gradually working its way, which is to reform Parliament, to put down W. B. and his man Frail—to root out the demoralisation of which St. Albans is a type, and to give to the people a perfect representation in the peopled house.  It is time the present state of things was altered.  For this purpose, the Freehold Land Movement exists.

We thus make our appeal to the friends of political progress.  We aim at the advocacy of the movement which has for its end what you profess to desire.  That movement we believe destined to be the salvation of our country, and we ask you to rally round it.  It is true Free-trade is not in danger, but Parliamentary Reform is.  A large party headed by Lord Derby take their stand by the Bill of ’31, and maintain that concession has reached its limits—that class legislation is still to prevail—that the people are still to be ignored—that inside the constitution are still to be the privileged few, and outside of it the unprivileged many.  Against this mockery we ask England’s manhood to protest—not by crowded assemblies or inflammatory harangues, but in the constitutional manner pointed out by Freehold Land Societies.  We want not voices but votes.  In the House of Commons, the thoughts that breathe and words that burn avail not, but votes are omnipotent.  No member can disregard or despise his constituents; their will to him must be law.

But we stop not here.  We seek a still wider support.  The Freehold Land Movement has done wonders, it has removed the reproach cast upon the working man, that he is reckless and improvident.  It has shown that he can save when a proper object is offered.  In a speech a year or two since, in the House of Commons, by Mr. Sotheron, M.P. for Wiltshire, it was stated that the total number of friendly societies was not less than 33,232, and the aggregate of the members which they included amounted to 3,032,000.  The annual revenue

of these societies was £4,980,000, and the accumulated capital from the savings of these poor persons was no less a sum than £11,360,000.  Faulty as most of these societies were, so desirous of saving was the working man, that he had actually entrusted them with the enormous sum we have just