bowie knives and draw their revolvers, expressing their readiness, willingness, and final determination to shoot down, cut and carve, and smash things generally, provided we did not consent to catch Sambo; life being sweet to us, and peace being desirable, we finally concluded to save our country, even if we were compelled to chase Sambo to do it. And here again we compromised upon the basis of what was called the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850. We do not claim any great show of bravery or firmness in this case, but then if self degradation and humiliation to save our country is a mark of patriotism, we would be sorry to hear of a more patriotic people than we of the north proved ourselves to be in this transaction.

Peace being again declared to exist, things seemed to move quietly along until the winters of 1853-’54, when, to everybody’s surprise, (I mean in the North,) one Stephen A. Douglas, desiring to become President of the United States, set himself at work to find out whether there was not something more which the South might have granted her to enhance her interests. Stephen, being a man of great industry and perseverance, searched carefully and thoroughly, and at last he found a restriction on the extension of the institution of slavery north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north latitude. With great earnestness, and a show of fairness, he entered into the task of removing this restriction. He was soon made acquainted with the fact that this restriction was but a part of a solemn compact, and that the party for whose benefit the restriction was established, had paid for it a large price, and a disinheritance at this time would be gross injustice toward the party aggrieved.

Even some of the Southern Senators labored hard to dissuade Stephen from his purpose, on this account, but then Stephen was desirous of becoming President, and not being excessively burthened with a high sense of justice, he was inexorable in his undertaking, and pressed it with vigor and energy. Southern statesmen espoused the cause with their usual unanimity, and again declared that unless the restriction was removed this Union would be dissolved. All will remember how reluctant the people of the free States were to grant this demand; but, as in former times, we loved our country, and when its very existence was threatened we were desirous of avoiding the great calamity; hence, the restriction was removed, and the famous Kansas and Nebraska Act became a law.

Although the South had thus far been successful in obtaining whatever they demanded, nevertheless, the defiant course they had pursued, the increasing frequency, and the nature of the demands, together with their refusal to be governed by a compromise, even after dictating the terms of it themselves, began to open the eyes of some of our Northern statesmen—hence, the Republican party sprang into existence in 1854 with the avowed intention of resisting through the ballot-box each and every encroachment from our Southern brethren thereafter. This was declared by the South to be very dangerous to the Union, and in 1856, when the Republicans run a candidate in the person of John C. Fremont for the Presidency, the South declared that to be a great insult to her dignity, and a just cause for a dissolution of the Union. She blustered and threatened to such an extent that they succeeded in frightening the people of some of the free States into the support of James Buchanan, which, together with her united vote, she succeeded in carrying the election, and Mr. Buchanan became President. It soon became evident that the South were not any way inclined to abandon their aggressive policy. The attempt to subjugate the people of Kansas by forcing slavery upon them, against the well known wish of three-fourths of the inhabitants, was sufficient to wake up still another class of the people of the free States, which caused large accessions to the Republican party, and a complete division of the Democratic party. Finally, the Democrats met at Charleston on the 23d day of April, 1860, to nominate candidates for President and Vice-President. Protection for slave property in the territories was demanded by the South—it was rejected—the convention split and adjourned. The South nominated a separate candidate upon the slave protection platform, and again resorted to her old tune of declaring the Union in danger; but the people had become disgusted with this kind of electioneering, and most emphatically refused to be bullied into the support of that dogma; consequently they cast their votes for Abraham Lincoln, and elected him, which is now declared by the South to be sufficient cause for dissolving the Union. But some of the more moderate of the Southerners are willing to suffer a portion of the Union to remain undivided, provided the North will consent to amend the Constitution so as to legalize slavery as a national institution. This is a very moderate request indeed; but, fellow countrymen, are you ready to grant it?

We have thus sketched a brief history of what we believe to be the true cause of the present crisis. And why is it the cause? The answer is plain to everyone—the South have been in the habit of controlling the policy of the government, by argument, if they could, but by threats of violence if they failed with the first. They have been successful in so many schemes of this kind, that they began to look upon that condition of things as co-existent with our government. Now we shall not contend that our Southern brethren are any more turbulent and ungovernable than the same number of Northern men would be, if they had been similarly dealt with. Had the government of the United States, instead of compromising with the South when threats were made, pursued a straightforward course regardless of the threats, or those who made them, and in case there had been forcible resistance to the laws, called out sufficient force to suppress the rebellion, then the people of the South would have learned one important lesson in earlier times.

This would have saved both them and the government much trouble and expense, but since they have not learned this lesson before, they should learn it now; and though they may be somewhat like an overgrown, high-spirited colt, that has never been harnessed, yet, with patience, kindness and firmness, we trust they will still learn the lesson without very seriously injuring either themselves or others. Should this not be the case, if they are determined to resist all legal restraint, can there be any advantage in further delaying the use of force? Can any one pretend that further concession would help the case permanently? There is no use of dodging the question. All must admit that the great cause of our present troubles is owing to an unwillingness of the South to submit to any terms except such as they may dictate. And some of them have even gone so far as to say that even though they are allowed this privilege, they would not abandon their treasonable designs. Verily we believe that Uncle Sam has spoiled some of his boys by over indulgence. We will endeavor to show this to be the case, by showing that, where resistance to the laws has been met by force, instead of concession, the people are more law-abiding citizens, at least we hear of no threats from that source of overthrowing the government, unless certain measures are adopted. It is a noticeable fact that, during our national existence, there has never been any concession, on the part of the government of the United States, granted to any portion of the north, where there has been resistance to the laws; but the strong arm of the government has been used to put down such resistance whenever it became necessary. The great rebellion of 1785, called Shay’s Rebellion, was met with force, and the leaders punished. The great Whisky