Rebellion, as it is called, was suppressed with an armed force 15,000 strong in 1794. General Washington was then president, showing that he recognised the principle of suppressing insurrection by force, if necessary to do so, in order to maintain the supremacy of the law. Again, we find the United States using force to carry out the fugitive slave law in the Burns case, and, in fact, several others. The Kansas troubles were met with force, not compromise. All these cases have occurred in the north, and have been promptly met by the government, which has had a tendency to teach the people of that section of the country that, to resist the laws, is sure to incur the legal penalty. Remonstrance has been of no avail—the laws were pointed to as the guide. This was the case particularly in the Kansas troubles, when the laws of the notorious bogus legislature were being forced upon the people by the government bayonets. Mr. Buchanan was then implored to desist, and allow the people to re-construct the laws of the territory. They were told that, although the laws were oppressive, yet so long as they remained on the statute books of the territory, they were the laws of that country, and must be enforced. This has uniformly been the course of the government toward the people of the north. We do not complain of this, but simply refer to it to show that, while the people of the north have been taught to obey the laws, or suffer the penalty of their violation, the people of the south have been allowed to control the policy of the government by threats and violence, and as might have been expected, they have at last become entirely insufferable. They will no longer be satisfied with anything in reason or out of reason. They will neither be peaceable, nor allow others to live in peace. Their demands have become more frequent and of a more startling character—and why is this? It is because they have never been made sensible of the fact that the government of the United States is capable of enforcing its laws in that portion of the country as well as in any other.

How absurd it is, then, at this time, for us to offer them another compromise—it would be like adding new fuel to the fire, it might suppress the flame momentarily, but when it bursts forth again it would be with increased vigor and violence. We should not compromise in the least if we desire permanent peace, but administer the laws with firmness and justice; and although it may take the force of arms to do so, yet a rivulet of blood, spilt at this time, will prevent rivers of it in the future. Let us not entail the evil effects of failing to perform our duty upon our children, but sternly perform our whole duty, and transmit to the next generation the good old ship of State in a sound and navigable condition; and if there be mutineers who persist in her destruction let us warn them manfully of the dangers they are incurring upon themselves, and as a last resort, rather than give up the ship, let us arrest their progress by force.

Although we have given at length what we believe to be the great primary cause of our present crisis, yet there are other more immediate causes, among which is the course that the Northern press have pursued since this secession movement has assumed a more positive form. Many of the leading papers have advocated the policy of allowing such States to secede as choose to do so. And others have been loud with their demands for concession and compromise upon any basis that would satisfy the traitors and restore peace. While still another class have battled manfully for the supremacy of the laws. This division of what is taken for the public sentiment, has been a source of consolation and encouragement to the traitors, while the government of the United States has stood silent with folded arms and allowed itself to be robbed of millions of dollars worth of property without raising a hand or uttering a solitary protest against the theft. What more encouragement could those who have been engaged in this treasonable scheme have asked for or desired? They have been told by a portion of the Democratic press that they were perfectly justifiable in dissolving the Union; and by a portion of the Republican press, that although they were by no means justifiable in committing such an outrageous act, yet, if they were really in earnest, and were determined to do so or fight, then they could go ahead, for there would be no fighting to maintain a Union with such unruly neighbors. Such seems to have been the reckless and ill-timed course on the part of the press at this present juncture, that it has encouraged the traitors by, representing the friends of the Union as divided into fragments, thus removing all opposition to their reckless course. Had the press of the North presented an unbroken front in favor of the Union, and a determination to stand by it regardless of threats or even of violence, we have every reason to believe that the South would have hesitated and considered the nature of the calamity they were bringing upon themselves and their country. That the spirit of compromise heretofore exercised on the part of our government toward those who have threatened violence, is the great source of our political troubles, can hardly admit of a doubt—why should we pursue the policy still further that has brought us to the very verge of ruin? Since it is our wavering, compromising, and undecided course that has brought our country to ruin, let us proceed to adopt a more firm and decided course. Give the South all that is their right, and boldly refuse to submit to any dictation beyond our constitutional duty. This is not the time to amend constitutions nor to change public opinion, but let every man rally to the support of his country, and when peace is restored and traitors have laid down their arms and signified a willingness to submit to the laws, we will have more leisure to investigate the nature of the proposed constitutional amendments.

THE CRISIS,
AND HOW TO MEET IT.

In the government of nations there are, sometimes, crises of the most momentous importance. They either promote stability or terminate in ruin. The result depends upon the virtue and patriotism of the mass of the people, and the wisdom, prudence and unflinching firmness of their rulers and statesmen.

The United States of America are in the midst of just such a crisis at present, and nothing is more important than correct views with regard to that crisis on the part of the people. To aid in the dissemination of such views, in order to produce unity of action among all classes of the people is the object of this publication, in which we shall ignore mere partisanship and take large and patriotic and comprehensive views of the genius and principles of our government.

One of the gravest questions for the consideration of the people of this nation, and for their enlightened solution, has just arisen, that has ever been presented for an answer since the formation of our republican government. It is this: Has any State in the Union a right, under the present Constitution, peaceably to withdraw itself from that Union, for the purpose of setting up a separate, distinct, and, necessarily, conflicting nationality?

Very important is it that this question should be correctly answered in the present juncture, and that the people should be fully prepared to act understandingly. Vast and immeasurable results depend upon it.

If this vital question could be answered in the affirmative, as some seem to think, then would the federal compact, by which these States are held together, be a mere rope of sand, without strength or tenacity, subject to be ruptured by the slightest discord. Such a solution of the question, if acted upon practically, would carry