he knows.—They talk and converse, and dream of these good things—but they cannot easily run off—they become discontented—surly—unruly—idle—disobedient—and he who feeds, clothes, and takes care of them, can get little from them! Who can blame the slave-holder under such circumstances adopting every means in his power to check this spirit of rebellion, to prevent the possibility of such doctrines being inculcated amongst his slaves, which every man, except a hater of "caution, prudence, and judiciousness," must be fully aware, would, if left unchecked, sooner or later break out into open rebellion, and place himself and his children at the mercy of ignorant men, inflamed by the hope of gain and the stimulus of lust! One or the other party would conquer.—If the coloured population became the victors (to grant the wish of the Abolitionists) awful would be the condition of both whites and

blacks—the male whites would be exposed to all the consequences of revenge and malice, for the victory could not be achieved without some resistance, and that very resistance on the part of the whites would be deemed by the blacks, a sufficient cause for retaliation; the wives and daughters of the white population would then be subjected to consequences of unbridled, and unrestrained lust, to deeds too shocking to think of, and too brutal to relate.—Think, oh think, on this, ye virtuous females, who innocently aid, and incautiously lend your voices and influence to the promotion of a cause, which, if successful, would inevitably produce these consequences.—Turn, oh turn, from such a course, and lend your powerful aid to emancipate the mind of both slave and slave-holder.

But setting aside all these consequences to the white, and admitting, for the sake of every possible latitude to the Abolitionist, that the white population richly deserve such results, what would be the condition of the coloured population after such a victory? Let us suppose that after a month's hard fighting, in which the soil of the south would be drenched with the blood of white and black, that the white population became annihilated, and not one left south of the Potomac. Behold the black placed in immediate, full, and unrestrained possession of the whole South—What think you would be the result ere one year could elapse? Does it require much penetration, or much acumen, to foresee that it would be far better for them, had they, to a man, fallen in the contest? Ignorant—unaccustomed to liberty—unacquainted with the principles of government, or the means of producing order, or of providing for futurity,—his blood still under the stimulus of success—his actions now unrestrained—all the brutal passions of man at

their highest pitch of excitement, indulging in all the luxuries of their late Master's house—what would be the inevitable consequences? First, black would fight with black, till the land would now become drenched with black blood—parties and associations of blacks would be formed, according to the dispositions, desires, views, temperaments, and morals of each party. Ignorant, dissipated, idle, and ambitious for superiority, party would fight with party, till scarcely a party would be left. During the scenes of blood, of carnage, of idleness, of devastation, and of debauchery, the soil becomes uncultivated, the seed not sown, if in spring,—the earth's produce not gathered, if in harvest! The stores of the former years become consumed—each man, thinks that each man, but himself, ought to work; and each man thinks that he himself ought now to enjoy liberty. The very attempt of any, to induce any to work, would be a sufficient provocation for mortal combat! Wants would now begin—still appetites must be gratified—"Caution, prudence, and judiciousness" they have either never learned, or have been taught by the great Champion of Abolitionism, to hate! Each day diminishes the stores, and increases the demands—and each day, fresh indications of abolition-liberty, manifest themselves in blood and outrage! At length, and that not many weeks after their victory, famine, with all her horrors, stares them in the face—children and infants, and mothers cry in vain for help—for nourishment.—Her ever constant companion, Pestilence, now attends, and thousands and thousands die of want and disease, calling down from heaven eternal curses on the heads of those who excited them to rebellion—the authors of all their sufferings—the Abolitionists!

On the other hand, suppose that, in such a rebellion throughout the South, the whites were to conquer—this could not be accomplished without the destruction of vast numbers of the people of colour—nor without the loss of the lives of many whites. What then would be the condition of the surviving blacks? Common justice, and prudence, would oblige the white population to deprive the slaves of many of those privileges which they now enjoy, and to rivet their fetters more securely—whom would they have to thank for all this? Abolitionists! Whom have they even now to thank for the loss of many indulgences? The Abolitionists! And whom have thousands now to thank for being still in slavery? Abolitionists!

Take a view of the subject in any possible way, let the black conquer, or let him be conquered, ruination to him is the inevitable result, totally independent of the awful calamities to which the white population would be subjected. Here is a two-horned dilemma: let the Abolitionist sit upon either horn so long as he can, consistently with his profession of charity—of philanthropy, of christianity!

Leaving this part of our subject for the present, I will ask any man of common sense, and of the least reflection, whether the means adopted by Abolitionists to enlighten the slave-holder, so as to make him emancipate his slaves, are the most judicious, or the most likely to accomplish that end? I will venture to aver, without fear of contradiction, that they are so far—very far, from being likely, in the very nature of things, to accomplish the professed object (the emancipation of the slaves,) that no surer method could possibly be used more calculated to increase their sufferings, and to rivet their chains! And so convinced am

I of this, that I cannot conceive how any man of intellect, who has a single eye to this object, would for a moment sanction such means! Let us place ourselves in the situation of slave-holders, and then see the effect such conduct would have upon ourselves; recollecting that by nature all men are alike, for, "as in water face answereth to face, so doth the heart of man to man": so says the Bible at all events, no matter what you may think to the contrary! Here we are then, a pair of slave-holders (not slave-traders). Our parents left slaves to us, as "our inheritance" (Lev. xxv. 44, 46). We are surrounded by them. The subsistence of our wives, and of our little ones, depends on their labour and exertion. We treat them kindly, and they have abundance of food and raiment. We instruct them—and pay a physician to attend them when ill.[30:A] A party has got up in the North, whose professed object is to enlighten us slave-holders. Pamphlets and Papers in abundance are sent down to us. We read them—when lo! we find ourselves portrayed as Monsters! Our characters slandered. Our legal rights denied. Our heads