now fully proved my propositions, viz., "that the principles of Abolitionism are injurious to the slaves themselves, and are contrary to the express commands of God."

We shall now accomplish to the fullest extent the professed wish of Abolitionists, and see what would be the probable result! Suppose I possessed the power of granting, at the stroke of my pen, instantaneous emancipation to all the slaves in America, and were this moment to issue the following proclamation: "To all whom it may concern, greeting! I do hereby command and order, that all slaves throughout the Union be instantly set free, and they are now free accordingly!" Let us now ascend in a balloon and take a view of TWO MILLIONS AND A HALF, of poor, ignorant, pennyless, men, women, and children, cast abroad on the world, without a home—without a guide—without "caution, prudence, or judiciousness!" Is not this exactly what you want, Mr. Abolitionist? What awful consequences must ensue! Not so much to the whites, but more particularly to the poor ignorant people of colour! Can that be called friendship, or charity, or philanthropy, which would lead to such a result? Those ignorant, poor, unprotected, people have now liberty! Will liberty cover them—feed them—protect them—stop the crying of the hungry child—or the cravings of the famished mother? What have they given for this liberty; and what have they got by it? They have given up, peace, plenty, protection, and contentedness! And they have got liberty, with starvation,

anxiety, and want! What a glorious exchange! What a profitable bargain! How thankful they ought to be, to their pseudo-friends, the Abolitionists!

But come out now, Abolitionists, like men, and answer this question, "Are the slaves in the South, now in a proper condition for immediate emancipation?" Are they, or are they not? Reflect upon the above picture, and then answer like men.—Do you reply, that you think they ought to have first some education—some provision made for them—some arrangements to guard against possible consequences?—If this be your answer, I congratulate you on the first symptoms of restoration to sound mental health: I now entertain hopes of your speedy recovery, and ere you have read the last page of this humble treatise, I doubt not, but you and I will perfectly agree, and I will give you a certificate of health!

There will nevertheless remain some stubborn Abolitionists, even all who "hate prudence, caution, and judiciousness," who will still exclaim "the slaves are now fit for instantaneous and unconditional emancipation!" A word or two with such characters before I close this chapter. Pray from what premises do you draw your conclusions? Is it from the present condition of those already made free, or from the emancipation of slaves in other countries. I shall examine both of these grounds. First then as to the condition of those already emancipated, which condition if it even favoured the views of Abolitionists, would not be a justifiable or parallel case, forasmuch as the free people of colour amongst us now were not suddenly, but gradually emancipated—and were not totally ignorant, for many of them knew how both to read and to write. Therefore with all these points

strong in favour of every thing the Abolitionist could possibly desire, we shall fearlessly investigate the result.

In the facts I am about adducing, I wish it to be clearly understood, that I do not attribute them to any natural peculiarity, or natural inferiority of coloured persons, but distinctly to the want of education, and to the peculiar and trying circumstances in which these persons are placed. If even the free persons of colour, turned out good and worthy citizens to the utmost wish of every benevolent man, it would not, as I have just stated, prove any thing in favour of Abolition; but so far from this being the case—so far, notwithstanding all the advantages of gradual emancipation, and a preparatory course of instruction, from the result substantiating the opinion of Abolitionists, viz. "that the slaves may, with safety to themselves, and to others, be instantaneously emancipated;" it stands an incontrovertible evidence against them—a warning that it is difficult to conceive how any man in his senses, would not be admonished by; if he be one who regards the welfare and happiness of this country, and the real good of the black! The following paragraph is taken from "the Plea for Africa," p. 179.

"It has been asserted that, of free blacks collected in our cities and large towns, a great portion are found in abodes of wretchedness and vice, and become tenants of poor-houses and prisons. As a proof of the tendency of their condition, the following striking facts among others, ascertained a year or two since, have been mentioned: In Massachusetts, where the coloured population is small, being less than 7,000 souls, (only 1-74th part of the whole population,) about 1-6th part of the whole number of convicts in the state-prison are blacks. In Connecticut, 1-34th part of the population is coloured, and 1-3d part of the convicts. In New-York, 1-35th part are

blacks; 1-4th part of the convicts in the city state-prison are blacks. In New-Jersey, the proportion is 1-13th coloured; and of the convicts 1-3d. In Pennsylvania, 1-34th part of a population of more than a million of souls, is coloured; and more than one-third part of the convicts are black.

"I need not pursue these illustrations of the degradation of the free blacks in the non-slave-holding States. It appears from these statements, which I find in the First Annual Report of the Prison Discipline Society, that about one quarter part of all the expense incurred by these States for the support of their institutions for criminals is for coloured convicts. The bill of expense in three of these States stands thus: that is, the expense for the support of coloured convicts for the specified number of years preceding the report from which this schedule is made, is in

Massachusetts,	10 years,	$17,734
Connecticut,	15 years,	37,166
New-York,	27 years,	109,166	in one prison.
————
$164,066

This sum was expended in an average of less than eighteen years, on convicts from among a population of only 54,000 coloured persons.

"Illustrations, borrowed from the criminal statistics of the South, would place this matter in a far more unfavourable light. References to the expenses for the maintenance of paupers, would give a similar result."

According to the above statement, it appears,