asked to reorganize commercial communication with Spain and allow private vessels. Cinnamon is abundant, although but little can be shipped for lack of space. Dire need prevails throughout the islands, which is not relieved by the royal officials of Mexico, as they claim to be without royal commission for it. Legazpi had failed to show certain royal decrees, and the king is asked to order the governor not to meddle with the affairs of the royal officials. The trouble with the Augustinians over the tribute is related from the standpoint of the royal officials, the Augustinians going so far as to assert that the king has no legal title in the islands. However, the tribute is being collected on the lines laid out by Legazpi. The officials (Cauchela and Aldave, for Mirandaola has been sent under arrest to Nueva España) petition an increase of salary; and Aldave the confirmation of his appointment as treasurer, given him because of Lavezaris’s appointment to the governorship.

Hernando Riquel, governmental notary, gives (June 2, 1576) a list of encomiendas assigned by Legazpi. These include the islands of Cebú, Panay, Mindanao, Leyte, Luzón, Mindoro, Lubán, Elin, Imarás, Masbat, Capul, Mazagua, Maripipi, Camiguinin, Tablas, Cubuyan, Bohol, Bantayán, Marenduque, Donblón (Romblón), Bantón, and Negros. Many of the names of the early conquistadors are given, and the document possesses value as it denotes early attempts at estimation of population, although those estimates are only vague and very inadequate.

Loarca’s letter of June 15, 1580, complaining of the enmity of Governor Sande, who hates him because he went on the Chinese expedition by order of Lavezaris, while he (Sande) was inside the islands, complains that false reports are sent regarding the conquests, and hence there is a waste of money. He fears to be too specific in his letter lest his letters go astray. He asks for aid, for he has received no salary for some years, and has even spent his own money for public purposes, and has become poor.

In the name of all his brethren, Pablo de Jesus, soon to be elected custodian of the Franciscans in Manila, writes (June 18, 1580) to Pope Gregory XIII a letter (partly doctrinal), giving account of the voyage of the first Franciscan missionaries to the Philippines. On the journey thither a short halt is made at one of the Ladrones, of whose inhabitants the father gives a brief description. At Manila the Augustinians, hitherto the sole religious order in the islands, give them a hearty welcome, but report discouraging progress among the aborigines. Undaunted however, the new missionaries set to work with a will and soon obtain marked results. The evil influence of Mahometanism, which has entered by way of Borneo has made itself felt among some of the natives, but yet with a sufficient supply of missionaries, the Filipinos, whose customs (social and religious) are briefly described, would soon be converted to the faith. The first Franciscan expedition to China, under the guidance of Pedro de Alfaro, which left Manila, May 20, 1579, is also described, and the Chinese characterized. Pablo de Jesus begs the pope to order the authorities in Manila to cease offering obstructions to those religious who desire to go to China to evangelize that great empire.

On October 17, 1581, a council of various religious assembled by Bishop Salazar to discuss the question of the liberation of native slaves held by Spaniards, which has been ordered by a royal decree decide: 1. That an old decree of 1530 prohibits the Spaniards to enslave the natives of the Indies; and that that decree was sufficient by itself to cause all slaves to be freed. Consequently, the new decree must be obeyed. 2. There is not any just reason for awaiting a new order because of petition, for such petition is only a subterfuge to gain time and postpone the liberation of the slaves. 3. The slaves must be freed immediately, although they may be ordered to remain with their masters for twenty or thirty days, in order to give the latter time to adapt themselves to the sudden change.

Of distinct ecclesiastical as well as historical interest is Bishop Salazar’s document of December 21, 1581, creating and establishing the cathedral church of Manila. He provides for the appointment of the various ecclesiastical offices, such as dean, archdeacon, chanter, schoolmaster, treasurer, canons, prebendaries, racioneros, half-racioneros, acolytes, chaplains, sacristan, organist, beadle, econome, notary of the chapter, and the peculiar office of dog-catcher, and outlines the duties of all and names the salary each is to receive. Much of interest is said on the subject of tithes and revenues, benefices, the various parish churches that exist or may be established, and their priests, the failure of duty of any official, chapter meetings (which must occur twice each week), church services, etc. A question to assume vast proportions later, namely, the royal patronage, presentation for benefices, and the episcopal jurisdiction also receives mention. This document presents in germ the ecclesiastical government of Manila.

Antonio Sedeño, S. J., one of the first of his order to come to the Philippines (he having accompanied Bishop Salazar, in company with one other priest—Alonso Sanchez—and two lay-brothers), writes to Felipe II, June 17, 1583, requesting that the governor be appointed from a resident of the islands, instead of sending a new man from Spain to fill that post. Thereby will great occasion for graft be avoided, and the royal expenses be greatly reduced, while the whole land will benefit. He suggests the appointment of Juan Baptista Roman, the factor, a prudent man, who has always opposed wrong. He also requests permission to found a seminary in order that the Jesuits may remain in the country and fulfil their obligations; and royal aid for such foundation.

One day after the date of the above letter (June 18), the bishop Domingo de Salazar writes to Felipe II, urging the establishment of a Jesuit college by royal aid, because of the great advantage that will ensue therefrom. He mentions in general the same reasons for such establishment as are urged by Sedeño; and dwells upon the saving to the royal treasury and the advantage to the land at large. He asks that districts be divided justly among the religious and seculars, and that the members of no order preempt a larger territory than they can attend to. This has caused friction between himself and the religious, which will be eliminated by a royal order to the above effect.

An anonymous relation translated from a printed pamphlet, which bears neither place nor date, follows. Internal evidence shows it to have been written by a religious—Augustinian, Franciscan, or Jesuit, preferably the second—and before 1587 (the year of the arrival of the Dominicans), notwithstanding that the British Museum copy (whence our transcript was procured) queries the date 1595. This relation contains many valuable observations on the islands, and their people, products, and history. The greater part of it consists of a description of the four provinces of Luzón, viz., that of the Tagalogs and Pampangos, Ilocos, Cagayan, and Camarines. The author mentions the important fact that the Tagálogs are mistakenly called Moros, but they are not and have never been Moros. Continuing his relation, the religious describes Borneo briefly and gives the salient points of Sande’s campaign there. The Visayans and their islands are touched upon, some little space being devoted to the first Spanish settlement at Cebú, whence the Spaniards move to Panay after the negotiations with and assault by the Portuguese under Pereira. More men and religious