are the Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Whole Monarchy, the Minister of War for the Whole Monarchy, and the Minister of Finance for the Whole Monarchy.

These facts may seem a little hard and uninteresting to you, but it is as well to try to master them. It looks as if we were going to hear a great deal about Austria this winter, and it will be so much easier for us to understand the events as they happen if we have mastered the peculiar form of government under which these two peoples are joined.

It might perhaps simplify the subject to you if you realize that this government is really somewhat like our own. Austria and Hungary might be any two of our own States—say Pennsylvania and New York, for instance. The Emperor, the two parliaments, and the third body which regulates the matters in common for both countries, might be our President, the state legislatures, and Congress. Of course there are points of difference between the two governments, but to take this as a general plan will help you to form an idea of what the Government of Austro-Hungary is.

On page 1012 of The Great Round World we told you about Turkey and Austria fighting for Hungary, and how since 1527 Hungary had been a part of the possessions of the House of Habsburg.[A]

There have been many revolts and uprisings in Hungary against the Austrian rule, and in 1867 the present arrangement was made, whereby Hungary paid thirty per cent. of the joint expenses of government. The compact, as it is called, was made for ten years. In 1877 and 1887 it was renewed for another period of ten years. Now in 1897 it must be renewed again.

Austria thinks Hungary is now in a position to pay a larger proportion of the expenses, but Hungary cannot see the force of this at all. She is, however, willing to make a fresh compact for one year, during which time the whole matter can be thoroughly discussed.

The attempt to get the compact arranged for the one year offered has been one of the causes of the trouble in the Reichsrath, or Parliament.

The Austrians do not want to renew the agreement unless they can get better terms, the Hungarians will not pay any more, and the Bohemians are opposed to every motion that is made, because they insist that their own grievance about the language shall be settled before any other business is done.

In consequence of this, the Austrian Parliament has become a bear-garden.

Mr. Clemens (Mark Twain), who happened to be in Vienna during these uproarious sittings of Parliament, and witnessed one of them, declared that the nearest approach to such a riot in his experience was the lynching of a man out West for stealing a horse—but even that was a mild scene compared to the proceedings of the Parliament.

While Mr. Clemens was watching, an Austrian member tried to speak on the Hungarian question; whereupon Mr. Wolff, the Bohemian member, began to slam the lid of his desk and then pound it with a ruler. A scuffle ensued in the attempt to wrench off the lid of the desk, during all of which the Austrian member continued to speak, it being utterly impossible to hear one word of what he was saying, because of the uproar made by the rest of these dignified lawgivers.

The haughty Hungarians have naturally become highly indignant over this conduct, and there have been stormy times in the Hungarian Parliament.

Francis Kossuth, a son of Louis Kossuth, the famous Hungarian patriot, is a member of the Lower House of the Hungarian Parliament. He created a sensation by demanding that Hungary should cut herself free from Austria and once more become an independent kingdom, as Austria did not seem to desire the renewal of the compact.

Baron Banffy, the Hungarian Premier, at once replied that the union of Austria and Hungary was complete, and a separation was impossible, and even were it not so, he could not contemplate the idea of turning Austria's troubles to the advantage of Hungary.

While the Austrian Parliament behaves in such a scandalous manner, no business can be transacted, and the matters of vital importance to the welfare of the country have to be laid aside because of the disorderly conduct of the Parliament.

The Emperor, Francis Joseph, is so disgusted with the way in which the deputies are abusing the privilege of helping to govern their country, that he threatens to suspend the constitution and act without the Parliament.

At present, it being a limited monarchy, he can only make laws by the will and consent of the people.

There is, however, a clause in the Austrian Constitution, an emergency clause, known as Article XIV., which in case of need gives the Emperor the right to suspend the constitution and act on his own responsibility.

The necessity of coming to a decision on the Hungarian question has become so great that the ministers are of the opinion that the Emperor will have to use this privilege. The Minister of Finance therefore uttered a warning to the members of the Parliament, telling them that they had better not drive the Government too far, as there was the gravest danger of the Emperor insisting upon exercising this right.

The latest despatches say that the published reports give but a slight idea of the grave trouble that is underlying this matter. It is feared that a revolution may be the result, and that martial law will have to be proclaimed in Bohemia this winter to quell the language riots.

There was great indignation in the Parliament when the warning of the Minister of Finance was announced; and grave as it seems thus to deprive the people of their rights, something must soon be done to bring the deputies to their senses. The warring factions in the Reichsrath have learned that if they cannot obtain the laws they wish to have for themselves, they can at least prevent laws from being made for others, and so they have brought the affairs of Parliament to a deadlock.

The latest news is that the House has been adjourned for a period of four days. If the members continue to act as before when the House reassembles, the probabilities are that the Emperor will suspend the constitution and take from the people the right of making laws until they prove worthy of the privilege.

While this course may bring the Austrian Parliament to order, it is likely to throw the Hungarians into still greater disorder.

Francis Kossuth, on hearing of the Emperor's intentions, announced that he would fight to the death rather than allow Hungary to accept a compact made with the Emperor alone, and without the consent of the Austrian Parliament.

You will be glad to know that Japan and Hawaii are likely to come to a friendly settlement of their differences.

You will remember that it was suggested that the matter of the exclusion of the emigrants should be decided by arbitration.

When, however, the time came for Japan to state the points she was willing to submit to arbitration, she refused to allow the possession of the $50 to be discussed.

This, as you will recollect, was the whole point of the disagreement.

Hawaii refused to accept the immigrants because it came to her knowledge that the steamship company furnished them with contracts, and loaned them the $50 required by law to enable them to pass the custom-house. The contracts were worthless, and the $50 was returned immediately on landing.

The Japanese