cherish Faction;—and because they cannot earn their Wages with more Facility, or with surer Success to their Employers, than by patronizing such Schemes, as will necessarily keep up the Disputes between Great-Britain and her Colonies.

But here the Smartness of Debate (to use one of Mr. Burke’s very smart Expressions) will be apt to say, “Who are those Persons against whom your Insinuations are levelled? Name them, if you are able: And as you ought to be furnished with the most positive Proofs, before you are entitled to throw out such Invectives, give them to the Public, in order that we may hold these Traitors to their Country in just Abhorrence.”

To all which strong Words I would beg Leave to suggest the following Answers.

1. I think it may be allowed, without injuring the Cause of Truth, or even Charity, that a Man may be fully convinced of a bad Design, or a wicked Scheme being in Agitation, without being able to prove, who are the Persons concerned in it. It is not usual for the Guilty to call upon the Innocent to step forwards and be their Accusers: Nor can it be expected, that the Names of the Conspirators should be the first Thing in any Conspiracy which is to be brought to Light. Indeed, generally speaking, this is the last Part of any Plot, or of any bad Design, which can be fully known, or legally ascertained. And therefore, if either the Experience of former Times, or the Nature of the Case, can afford probable Reasons, and circumstantial Evidence in Support of this Assertion, That there are Numbers of Pensioners to Foreign Powers now among us—surely we have obtained all the Proofs that are necessary at present towards establishing a general Belief of the Fact, (which is the only Point here contended for;) and we must leave to Time, that great Discoverer of political Machinations, to unravel the rest.

Wherefore, 2dly. Let it be observed, that the History of this very Country furnishes us with striking Examples in Confirmation of the above Assertion. Particularly during the memorable Reigns of Charles the Second, and William the Third, that is, just before, and just after the Revolution, there were many venal Englishmen, both in the Senate and out of it, the Pensioners of France; who, to be sure, meant nothing by what they said or did on these Occasions, and for such Pay, but the Good of their dear bleeding Country; who therefore stormed and thundered, speechified and harangued, printed and published out of pure, disinterested Zeal for the Welfare of poor, old England!

Hence therefore I infer, 3dly, That the like may happen again, or rather has happened already, unless it can be shewn, either, that France and Spain want no such Agents at present; or if they did, that they cannot now, as heretofore, find them here in Britain. In regard to the first of these Positions, whosoever will give himself the Trouble, to examine coolly and impartially into the slender Reasons alledged on our Parts, for beginning two of the most bloody and destructive Wars, that ever were known, will find sufficient Cause to believe, that those Powers will always think it to be more for their Interests, to cut out Work at Home for these restless and turbulent Islanders (as they are pleased to call us) than to let us be at Peace among ourselves, lest that Circumstance should give us an Opportunity of picking Quarrels with our Neighbours. And most certain it is, that both the former Spanish (or the No-Search) War, and the latter French (or the Acadia and Ohio) War, were begun and carried on principally with a View to promote the immediate Interests of the Northern Colonies; the former to protect their Smugglers, when hovering about the Coasts, and when actually trading in the prohibited Ports of the Spanish West-Indies; and the latter, (a War, alas! begun, without so much as a Declaration of War!) to do, I know not what! unless it was to enable the grateful Colonies to rebel against the Mother Country, perhaps a Generation or two sooner, than otherwise they would have done. But be that as it may, one Thing is certain, and beyond Dispute, that the more we are embroiled among ourselves, the less Cause will the other Powers of Europe have to fear our giving them any Disturbance: And that 20,000l. or 30,000l. a Year spent in Bribes and Pensions, properly disposed, to raise an Opposition against Government, and to enflame the Populace against their Rulers, will do more effectual Service to the Courts of France and Spain, than thirty Times these Sums laid out in manning Fleets, or equipping Squadrons or preparing and embarking Troops for an Invasion.

If therefore these Points are so self-evident, as not to be denied, the only Question now remaining is this, Can it be supposed, or is it credible, that a popular British Senator, a British Pamphleteer, or a British News-writer, in an Age so pure and uncorrupt as ours, would accept of a Bribe, or a Pension on such dishonourable Conditions? And are not all these illustrious Personages either of such well known independent Fortunes, or of such spotless Characters, and approved Virtue, as to be superior to any Temptation of this Sort? Now here I say nothing, but chuse to be silent; and earnestly entreat every Reader to judge for himself. Indeed there was a Time, when a Text of sacred Scripture might have been urged, as carrying some Weight in deciding the present Question: “Beware of false Prophets, who come to you in Sheep’s Cloathing, but inwardly they are ravening Wolves. Ye shall know them by their Fruits. Do Men gather Grapes of Thorns, or Figs of Thistles? Even so every good Tree bringeth forth good Fruit; but a corrupt Tree bringeth forth evil Fruit. A good Tree cannot bring forth evil Fruit, neither can a corrupt Tree bring forth good Fruit.—Wherefore by their Fruits ye shall know them.” I say, there was a Time, when the Authority of such a Caution would have been regarded as more decisive than the Productions of our modern licentious Presses. But as we now live in very extraordinary Times, full of new Lights, and new Discoveries, I forbear, lest our Patriots should accuse me of Bigotry, Priestcraft, or Superstition[1].

4thly. I expressly except against all Persons of Republican Principles for very obvious Reasons; for tho’ they dignify themselves by the Name of Whigs, yet as they are not the genuine, constitutional Whigs of this Kingdom, but an unnatural Superfœtation, and the avowed Enemies of the British Constitution, they ought not to be allowed to sit in Judgment in a British Cause. They are, it is well known, the professed Advocates for continuing and cementing the Union between Great-Britain and her Colonies; and yet they wish, above all Things, to see these Colonies totally exempt from, and independent of, the Power and Jurisdiction of the British Legislature. Now, how are we to reconcile these glaring Contradictions? And what is the Reason for professing such a preposterous Zeal for America, in Preference both to the Interests and Honour of their native Country? The Reason is this:—They think, that by cherishing and protecting a republican Government in the Colonies, they are paving the Way for introducing a similar