Establishment into Great-Britain. Therefore Republicism is the Bond of Union between these unnatural Englishmen and their Fellow-Labourers of America: Republicism, I say, [pardon the Use of a new Word, where the Language doth not afford a better] is made the common Cause for uniting Persons of the most discordant Interests and different Inclinations in other Respects.

And I will add, as an Illustration of this Matter, and to shew how far certain Persons will go to obtain their Ends, that the Republicans in the Reigns of Charles II. James II. and William III. joined the Constitutionalists in bringing about the Revolution, chiefly with the Hopes, that a Prince who owed his Election to the Voice of the People, might the easier be dethroned by the same People, whenever they could get them into the Mood to do it, whether with, or without a Cause. For the very Sound of Monarchy, however limited, or however well administered, is grating to their Ears. They cannot bear to think, that one Man, or one Family should be so much exalted above themselves, in Contradiction to their darling Maxim of a natural Equality. And this Scheme for laying the Foundation of a new and equal Republic is what the Republicans really intend by using the Phrase Revolution Principles at this Day. In short, we have now the most authentic Proofs, that their Predecessors of old tried all Means in their Power, and even applied to the Court of France first to prevent, and then to defeat the Revolution, and to set up a Republican Form in its stead; alledging that it was more for the Interest of that Court to have a Republican Government take Place in England, somewhat after the Example of that of Holland, than any Kind of Monarchical Constitution, because this, at one Time or other, might become a troublesome Neighbour, and a dangerous Rival; whereas nothing of that Kind was to be feared from a mere simple Democracy. Moreover in some Years afterwards, when the Crown was settled on the House of Hanover, we know it well, (for it is no Secret) that the Republicans both then, and since, had no other Merit towards that House, notwithstanding all their Boastings, than that of reserving its Princes, like the Prisoners in Polyphemus’s Den, to be devoured the last. A mighty Favour truly! For which our Ears are perpetually dinned with a Repetition of the Services of these Men towards the ungrateful House of Hanover!

And now, my Lords and Gentlemen, having excepted against Courtiers and Placemen as such,—against pretended Patriots on every Account,—against the Pensioners of foreign Powers,—and against rank Republicans;—my humble Request is, that the Cause between Mr. Burke and me may be tried by the Landed Interest only. They are certainly the properest and most unexceptionable Judges; for they have the most at Stake; and their Interest, and the Interest of the Public, must necessarily coincide. They can gain nothing either by War, or Peace, by a Submission to, or a Separation from, the Revolters in North America, but what must tend to the general, as well as to their own particular Advantage. Whereas almost every other Rank of Men may find their Account, in countenancing and supporting such Measures, as may greatly enrich themselves, tho’ at the Expence of depopulating and impoverishing their native Country.

Nor, my Lords and Gentlemen, is this Cause beneath your solemn Notice and Regard. In the former Spanish [or no-search] War, you spent above Sixty Millions Sterling, including the extraordinary Sums raised, and the fresh Debts contracted:—And in the last French, Ohio, or Acadia War, you spent above Ninety Millions Sterling, if computed after the same Manner, viz. Additional Sums annually raised, and new Debts contracted. And all, alas! for what!!!![2]

But without any Retrospect to Things past, let us look towards what is to come.

The first Thing to be considered in the Dispute between Mr. Burke and me, is, which of Our Schemes is the easiest to be executed, and the most practicable? He proposes that all Concessions should be made on our Parts in Favour of the Colonies; but that none, or next to none, should be made by them in Favour of Great Britain. Now this Proposal can never terminate the Dispute between us and them, but on one or other of the following Suppositions.

First, that the Parliament and People of Great-Britain are now convinced, that they have acted injuriously, illegally, and unconstitutionally in pretending to make any Laws, whether good or bad, to bind the Americans: Because they (the Americans) have their own Legislatures, which are totally independent of ours: And therefore we take Shame to ourselves by revoking these pretended, usurping Laws. For in short, the first Step in Politics, as well as in Morals, towards sincere Repentance, is Restitution. Or, secondly, though we should not give up the Point of Right, of making Laws, and cry peccavimus,—yet we take for granted, that no improper Use will be made of the great and manifold Concessions, contained in Mr. Burke’s Scheme; because we have to deal with a People, who, (we know by long Experience) may be trusted with every Thing, as being the Quintessence of Honour and Honesty, both in public and private Life, and particularly the fair unsullied Monuments of national Gratitude.

Or if this likewise should prove to be a Pill too large, and too nauseous for Englishmen to swallow;—then, thirdly, we are to suppose, in order to end all Controversy, that the Trade with these North-Americans is so essential to our Interests, as a commercial Nation, that we must keep them in good Humour at any Rate, and at any Expence;—least they should deprive us of their Custom, to the utter Ruin of our Manufactures, Shipping, Navigation, &c. &c. &c.

Or lastly, we must suppose, that old England is in Fact grown so exceedingly weak and impotent, and America so very strong and powerful, that it is in vain to resist any Encroachments, which the Colonies may make on the Mother-Country:—For in such Circumstances, it is more prudent to submit to the present Evils, great as they are, than to provoke our Conquerors to inflict still greater.

I say, one or other of these four Suppositions must necessarily be made, before Mr. Burke’s Plan can terminate in real Peace, and restore that Harmony, of which he makes such continual Boastings. Let him therefore, at his own Leisure, take his Choice of either of the four, or even adopt them all, if he pleases, and make the most of them.

In the mean while, deign, my Lords and Gentlemen, to cast your Eyes on my Plan (childish as it is represented by him to be) of a total Separation. And first of all, is it practicable in itself? And could it be executed with Ease, if heartily set about?—Suppose therefore, that you were to recall your Fleets and Armies, and publish to the Americans the