The Project Gutenberg EBook of From Isolation to Leadership, Revised, by John Holladay Latane

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Title: From Isolation to Leadership, Revised A Review of American Foreign Policy

Author: John Holladay Latane

Release Date: June 11, 2006 [EBook #18553]

Language: English

*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ISOLATION TO LEADERSHIP ***

Produced by Al Haines

FROM ISOLATION TO LEADERSHIP

REVISED

A Review of American Foreign Policy

BY

JOHN HOLLADAY LATANE, PH.D., LL.D.

PROFESSOR OF AMERICAN HISTORY AND DEAN OF THE COLLEGE FACULTY IN THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY

 Author of
 "The United States and Latin America"
 "America as a World Power"
 Etc.

GARDEN CITY ——— NEW YORK

DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY

1922

COPYRIGHT, 1918, 1922, BY

DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED, INCLUDING THAT OF

TRANSLATION INTO FOREIGN LANGUAGES,

INCLUDING THE SCANDINAVIAN

PREFACE

The first edition of this book appeared in October, 1918, a few weeks before the signing of the Armistice, when the United States was at the high tide of its power and influence. In view of the subsequent course of events, some of my readers may question the propriety of the original title. In fact, one of my friends has suggested that a more appropriate title for the new edition would be "From Isolation to Leadership, and Back." But I do not regard the verdict of 1920 as an expression of the final judgment of the American people. The world still waits on America, and sooner or later we must recognize and assume the responsibilities of our position as a great world power.

The first nine chapters are reprinted with only a few verbal changes.
Chapter X has been rewritten, and chapters XI and XII have been added.

JOHN H. LATANÉ.

Baltimore, June 10, 1922.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER

I. ORIGIN OF THE POLICY OF ISOLATION II. FORMULATION OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE III. THE MONROE DOCTRINE AND THE EUROPEAN BALANCE OF POWER IV. INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION WITHOUT THE SANCTION OF FORCE V. THE OPEN-DOOR POLICY VI. ANGLO-AMERICAN RELATIONS VII. IMPERIALISTIC TENDENCIES OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE VIII. THE NEW PAN-AMERICANISM IX. THE FAILURE OF NEUTRALITY AND ISOLATION X. THE WAR AIMS OF THE UNITED STATES XI. THE TREATY OF VERSAILLES XII. THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE INDEX

From Isolation to Leadership

I

ORIGIN OF THE POLICY OF ISOLATION

The Monroe Doctrine and the policy of political isolation are two phases of American diplomacy so closely related that very few writers appear to draw any distinction between them. The Monroe Doctrine was in its origin nothing more than the assertion, with special application to the American continents, of the right of independent states to pursue their own careers without fear or threat of intervention, domination, or subjugation by other states. President Monroe announced to the world that this principle would be upheld by the United States in this hemisphere. The policy of isolation was the outgrowth of Washington's warning against permanent alliances and Jefferson's warning against entangling alliances. Both Washington and Jefferson had in mind apparently the form of European alliance common in their day, which bound one nation to support another both diplomatically and by force in any dispute that might arise no matter whether it concerned the interests of the first state or not. Such alliances were usually of the nature of family compacts between different dynasties, or between different branches of the same dynasty, rather than treaties between nations. In fact, dynastic aims and ambitions were frequently, if not usually, at variance with the real interests of the peoples affected. It will be shown later that neither Washington nor Jefferson intended that the United States should refrain permanently from the exercise of its due influence in matters which properly concern the peace and welfare of the community of nations. Washington did not object to temporary alliances for special emergencies nor did Jefferson object to special alliances for the accomplishment of definite objects. Their advice has, however, been generally interpreted as meaning that the United States must hold aloof from world politics and attend strictly to its own business.

The Monroe Doctrine was a perfectly sound principle and it has been fully justified by nearly a century of experience. It has saved South America from the kind of exploitation to which the continents of Africa and Asia have, during the past generation, fallen a prey. The policy of isolation, on the other hand, still cherished by so many Americans as a sacred tradition of the fathers, is in principle quite distinct from the Monroe Doctrine and is in fact utterly inconsistent with the position and importance of the United States as a world power. The difference in principle between the two policies can perhaps best be illustrated by the following supposition. If the United States were to sign a permanent treaty with England placing our navy at her disposal in the event of attack from Germany or some other power, on condition that England would unite with us in opposing the intervention of any European power in Latin America, such a treaty would not be a violation of the Monroe Doctrine, but a distinct recognition of that principle. Such a treaty would, however, be a departure from our traditional policy of isolation. Of the two policies, that of avoiding political alliances is the older. It was announced by Washington under circumstances that will be considered in a moment.

In the struggle for independence the colonies deliberately sought foreign alliances. In fact, the first treaty ever signed by the United States was the treaty of alliance with France, negotiated and ratified in 1778. The aid which France extended under this treaty to our revolutionary ancestors in men, money, and ships enabled them to establish the independence of our country. A few years later came the French Revolution, the establishment of the French Republic followed by the execution of Louis XVI, and in 1793 the war between England and France. With the arrival in this country of Genet, the minister of the newly established French Republic, there began a heated debate in the newspapers throughout the country as to our obligations under the treaty of alliance and the commercial treaty of 1778. President Washington requested the opinions in writing of the members of his cabinet as to whether Genet should be received and the new government which had been set up in France recognized, as to whether the treaties were still binding, and as to whether a proclamation of neutrality should be issued. Hamilton and Jefferson replied at great length, taking as usual opposite